Showing posts with label G20. Show all posts
Showing posts with label G20. Show all posts

5/01/2013

The 'monarchs of money' and the war on savers


Πηγή: CBCnews
By Neil Macdonald
April 29 2013

Quietly, without much public fuss or discussion, a new ruling class has risen in the richer nations.

These men and women are unelected and tend to shun the publicity hogged by the politicians with whom they co-exist.

They are the world's central bankers. Every six weeks or so, they gather in Basel, Switzerland, for secret discussions and, to an extent at least, they act in concert.

The decisions that emerge from those meetings affect the entire world. And yet the broad public has a dim understanding, if any, of the job they do.

In fact, these individuals now wield at least as much influence over the lives of ordinary citizens as prime ministers and presidents.

The tool they have used to change the world so profoundly is one they alone possess: creating money out of thin air.

There is an economic term for this: quantitative easing. More colloquially, it's called printing money.

Since the great economic meltdown in 2008, these central bankers have probably saved the world's economy from collapse, and dragged it into the unknown at the same time.

The amounts they have created are so vast as to be almost incomprehensible — trillions of dollars in pounds and euros, among other currencies.

At the end of 2012, the balance sheets of the world's largest central banks, those of the G20 nations and the eurozone, including Sweden and Switzerland, totalled $17.4 trillion US, according to Bank of Canada calculations from publicly available data.

What's their legacy?

When the record of the 2008 global financial catastrophe is fully written — that story remains a work in progress — the world's central bankers will emerge either as heroes, or as the people who administered a cure that turned out to be as bad as the disease.

Three of them in particular will go down in history: Ben Bernanke of the U.S. Federal Reserve, Mario Draghi of the European Central Bank, and Canada's own Mark Carney, soon to be the governor of the Bank of England.

That is nearly a quarter of global GDP, and slightly more than double the $8.5 trillion these same institutions were holding at the end of 2007, before the financial crisis hit.

Stock markets have risen on this tide of cheap money. So has real estate. So, arguably, has everything else.

But there are two big concerns with what this new central banker elite has done.

One is that no one really understands the consequences of pumping such vast amounts of money into the world economy. It's already distorted the prices of certain assets, and some fear hyperinflation or market crashes are inevitable (the subject of tomorrow's column).

The other is that it's caused a massive shift in wealth, from savers to borrowers, and is taking money out of the pockets of almost everyone approaching or at retirement age.

A war on savings
Probably the most painful of the consequences of quantitative easing has been borne by the elderly.

INTERACTIVEThe Monarchs of Money

Most of that generation grew up believing that if you save and exercise prudence that you will earn at least a modest return on your hard-earned money to keep you comfortable in your old age, perhaps along with a pension.

But the money-printing orgy of the last five years looks to have shot that notion to smithereens.

Very deliberately, the central bankers have punished savers, pushing interest rates so low that any truly safe investment — and older people are always advised to play it safe — yields a negative return when inflation is factored in.

British pensioners Judy White and her husband Alan, at their home in Teddington, south of London: 'I now have 50 per cent less.' (CBC )
The policy has savaged pension and savings returns worldwide, but particularly in Britain, a nation of savers and pensioners.

There is more money in British pension funds than in the rest of Europe combined, and now that money is just sitting, "dead," as some call it, not working for its owners.

Ask Judy White, a retiree in her late 60s who lives in Teddington, south of London, with her husband, Alan.

This year, the Bank of England shattered her retirement. Her pension benefit was effectively slashed by half.

"I don't understand what quantitative easing is, except that it's printing money," she says. "But I do understand that I now have 50 per cent less.

"What they have done is take money from people who have been really careful all their lives."

On the backs of the virtuous

Actually, by the Bank of England's own reckoning, the £375 billion of quantitative easing it has carried out since 2008 has cost British savers and pensioners about £70 billion, roughly $100 billion. (At the same time, the richest 10 per cent of British households saw the value of their assets increase over the same period, the bank reported.)

That cost to the elderly is largely because pension payouts in the U.K. are pegged to the yields on government bonds, and quantitative easing has forced those yields down to almost nothing.

Speaking for the Bank of England, Paul Fisher acknowledges that the bank has created a paradox: It does want people to save and be prudent — just not right now.

"We try," he says, "to get people to do things now to get out of this mess, which in the long run we prefer not to do."

In other words, might we please have some more of the wild consumer spending and borrowing that helped get us all into this situation, at least for a while?
Ros Altmann, a governor at the London School of Economics: 'A monumental social experiment.' (CBC)
The plain fact, though, is that central bank- and government-imposed solutions to disasters caused by irresponsible, greedy, foolish behaviour are almost always carried out on the backs of the virtuous.

So it was with the bank rescues in 2008, and so it is with quantitative easing.

As Ros Altmann, a longtime pension manager and director of the London School of Economics, puts it, quantitative easing has amounted to a "monumental social experiment" — a large-scale transfer of wealth from older people to younger people.

"Anybody who was a saver and has got some accumulated savings will have had a reduction in their income," she says.

While "anyone who had a big debt, particularly mortgage debts, would have had improvement in their income because their interest payments have gone down."

As stupid as it might sound, older people everywhere would probably be better off if they'd abandoned prudence and borrowed more.

That is obviously not what the central bankers or our political leaders want. But that's the situation they've created.

What's the alternative?

This transfer from savers to borrowers has also been taking place here in the U.S. and in Canada, to varying degrees.

Some U.S. pension funds are in danger of default, at least partially because of these artificially low interest rates, and Canadian pension funds that are heavily invested in safer debt have been injured, too.

In an interview in his Ottawa office, Bank of Canada governor Mark Carney defends quantitative easing elsewhere, and his own low-interest rate policy, though he does acknowledge that it has been hard on pensioners and savers.

Like all central bankers, he argues the (impossible to prove) negative: There have been consequences, yes, but if we hadn't done this, things would be far, far worse.

As for carrying out these solutions on the backs of the virtuous: "I don't see a world where the virtuous are rewarded if we suffered a second Depression," he says. "These are the stakes."

Carney would prefer not to talk about the enormous power central bankers have gained since 2008, saying only: "We have a tremendous responsibility … because of a series of mistakes that were made in the private 
sector and the public sector."


See the surge in central bank holdings, the printing of new money, beginning in the spring of 2008 with the bank bailouts and the acquistion of long-term securities to keep interest rates down. (International Monetary Fund)

As Canada has performed better than most Western nations, Carney has not ordered any new money printing.

But he has kept interest rates down, and that has fed the real estate booms over the last few years in Vancouver, Toronto, Calgary and elsewhere.

He scoffs at the suggestion that "the party" will end at some point. "I am not sure we are having a party right now," he says. "It doesn't feel like a party."

And, in fact, he has repeatedly expressed concern at the huge debt levels Canadians are accruing, at least partly because of his low-rate policies.

But surely he understands the anger of an older person watching their savings being eroded, I ask him.

Carney smiles grimly. That question is clearly a sore point. He gets a lot of mail on the topic.

Canadians, he says, must understand that the alternative is massive unemployment and thousands of businesses going under, and "my experience with Canadians is that they tend to think about their neighbours and their children and more broadly … they care a little bit more than just about themselves."

Asked whether central bankers are not in fact enabling irresponsible behaviour by speculators enamoured of cheap money, not to mention politicians who can't curb their borrowing and spending, Carney merely remarks that voters in a democracy get the governments they choose.


11/06/2012

Biggest banks given extra time on reform


Πηγή: FT
By Brooke Masters
Nov 5 2012

Global financial reform efforts are falling behind schedule, regulators have conceded. They are giving the biggest banks extra time to write so-called “living wills” and acknowledge that fewer than one-third of the big financial centres will have Basel III rules in place on time.

The Financial Stability Board, made up of central bankers and regulators, announced on Monday that “uneven headway” had been made on solving the problem of banks that were seen as “too big to fail”.

28 banks have been assigned higher capital surcharges, many will not meet the end of 2012 deadline for writing living wills – the blueprints for stabilising or shutting them down in a crisis.

The “global systemically important financial institutions” (GSifis) will be given an additional six months to finish their wills, also known as recovery and resolution plans, and peer reviews will take until the end of 2013.

At the same time, the FSB said, only eight of the 27 members of the Basel Committee on Banking Supervision, which writes global bank capital rules, are on track to enshrine the “Basel III” reforms in national law by January even though the rules were supposed to be phased in from then.

“The tasks ahead remain considerable . . . It is crucial that all jurisdictions redouble their efforts to pass legislation that is consistent with the Basel III framework,” Mark Carney, the Canadian central banker who chairs the FSB, wrote to the leaders of the Group of 20 leading economies.

The FSB letter to the G20 also contained updates on some of the other financial reform efforts that were launched in a bid to prevent a repeat of the 2008 global financial crisis, including drives to reduce risk from over-the-counter derivatives and so-called “shadow banks” – financial institutions that extend credit but do not take deposits.

G20 members pledged in 2009 that they would seek to force standardised derivatives into central clearing to make it easier to measure and compensate for the risks of the transactions. The FSB reported that eight of the 25 member countries planned to use incentives – rather than rules – to convince banks and brokers to put their OTC derivatives through clearing. A total of 16 countries already mandate clearing or plan to impose mandates if the incentives fail.

The FSB is expected to announce plans to cut the risks of shadow banks, including proposals affecting money market funds, securities lending and securitisation, later this month.




11/08/2011

Journalists Overhear Private Exchange Between Obama and Sarkozy, Report Says


Πηγή: NYT
By MARK LANDLER
Nov 7 2011

It marks another chapter in the close, if occasionally awkward, relationship between President Obama and President Nicolas Sarkozy of France. After the two leaders appeared together at a news conference during a G20 summit meeting in Cannes last Thursday, they retired to a room for what they thought was a private conversation.

Big mistake: According to a report posted Monday on the French Web site Arret sur Images, the exchange between Mr. Obama and Mr. Sarkozy was picked up by open microphones and overheard by half a dozen French journalists, who were still wearing headsets they had put on to hear simultaneous translation of Mr. Obama’s public remarks.

Mr. Obama, the Web site said, began by chiding Mr. Sarkozy for not warning him that France would vote to admit the Palestinians into UNESCO, a step the United States opposed. From there, the two men began discussing the Israeli prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu.

“I cannot stand him,” Mr. Sarkozy was quoted as saying. “He is a liar.”

Mr. Obama is reported to have replied, “You’re fed up with him, but I have to deal with him every day!”

He then urged Mr. Sarkozy to try to persuade the Palestinian Authority to go easy in its campaign for membership in the United Nations.

The White House did not comment on the exchange, which the Web site said was not widely reported in France because the journalists who overheard it agreed to a request by Elysee Palace not to publish remarks that could embarrass the two leaders.


11/03/2011

Obama meets with Sarkozy, Merkel as G-20 tries to solve Greek debt crisis


Πηγή: The State
By Lesley Clark
Nov 3 2011

CANNES, France — Warning that the "most important" task for world leaders gathered here is to find a way to resolve Europe's financial crisis, U.S. President Barack Obama huddled privately with French President Nicolas Sarkozy and German Prime Minister Angela Merkel on his arrival at the G-20.

Obama met with the two European leaders before the summit opened, hoping to find a fix to a surprise stumbling block: Greek Prime Minister George Papandreou's decision to ask voters to approve a Euro-crafted deal to stabilize the Greek economy. The package calls for several years of austerity measures for his country — but European leaders say it's got to be done to save the Eurozone.

Analysts have suggested Obama's influence is limited at the global meeting because of the U.S.'s own fiscal woes and its seeming inability to fix them. But Sarkozy glossed that over, telling reporters after the meeting that "we need the leadership of Barack Obama.

"We need the solidarity and the support of the United States of America," Sarkozy said. "We need joint common analysis as to the way we can put the world back on the path of growth and stability."

Obama later met with Merkel, hailing her for helping to hammer out a deal that the administration has said could stem the European debt crisis — though it lacks many details.

"Central to our discussions at the G-20 is how do we achieve greater global growth and put people back to work," Obama said. "That means we're going to have to resolve the situation here in Europe."

Computer guru and philanthropist Bill Gates will take the stage at the G-20 today to champion a so-called "Robin Hood" tax on big financial institutions.

Gates is expected to tell the group of industrialized and developing countries that they could raise billions a year to fight poverty by levying a small tax — also called a financial transaction tax — on share and bond trading.

"This money could be well spent and make a difference," Gates told the Guardian newspaper. "An FTT is more possible now than it was a year ago, but it won't be at rates that magically raise gigantic sums of money."

Sarkozy has embraced the idea of a financial transaction tax, but the White House has not. Sarkozy, though, told reporters after the meeting with Obama that they've found "common ground, or at least a common analysis, that the world of finance must contribute to solving the crisis that we are all facing today."

It wasn't all business: Obama, who quipped before the meeting with Sarkozy that he was "hoping to come and see some movies," congratulated the French President and his wife, former supermodel Carla Bruni-Sarkozy, on the birth of their daughter, Giulia: "I'm confident Julia inherited her mother's looks and not her father's, which I think is an excellent thing," he said.

He and Sarkozy — who is also facing a tough reelection battle — will make a joint appearance on French TV tomorrow: "French people love the U.S. and appreciate President Obama a lot," Sarkozy said.

It was grey and overcast along the French Rivera as Obama's motorcade left the Nice airport after his arrival in France Thursday morning. Along the route, electronic road signs warned about G-20 related road closures. Signs hailing the summit boasted "L'histoire s'ecrit a Cannes — History's being written in Cannes."

11/02/2011

Protesters descend on G20


Πηγή: CNN
By Ben Rooney
Nov 1 2011


NICE, France (CNNMoney) -- Thousands of protesters took to the streets Tuesday in this sleepy city on the French Riviera to send a message to the world's most powerful leaders.

"The people come first, not finances" was one of the main slogans chanted as an estimated 10,000 protesters marched through Nice, located near Cannes, where the Group of 20 heads of state will meet Thursday and Friday.


A protestor hangs up a sign ahead of the G20 meeting in Cannes.


The largely peaceful march took place under the watchful eyes of hundreds of police officers wearing full riot gear and toting tear gas guns.

The G20 has drawn violent protests in the past and is a favorite target of anarchist groups.

On Tuesday, the marchers promoted a variety of left wing and anti-capitalist causes. But the over-arching theme centered on economic inequality and the failure of governments to stand up to powerful banks.
G20 summit to test EU debt deal

While the G20 protesters had much in common with the Occupy Wall Street movement that has spread across the United States, domestic politics were also a large part of Tuesday's "manifestation."

In particular, protesters railed against European G20 nations over recent cuts in public services that many governments have made to cope with unsustainable levels of debt.

"This global government has no democratic legitimacy and exists solely to impose on the people of the world to pay for an economic and financial crisis they are not responsible for" read a flyer handed out by a group called Les Alternatifs.

There was a large contingent of protesters dressed as Robin Hood, who called on the G20 to impose a new tax on financial transactions, such as stock trades.


The goal, supporters say, is to force banks and investors to contribute more to the economy and society. Overall, the mood was festive and sufficiently raucous.

But the atmosphere was punctuated with tense moments when squads of riot police would randomly file through the crowd and take up positions on the sidelines.


10/20/2011

The EU, not the G20, must settle eurozone crisis



Πηγή: European Voice
Oct 20 2011

The G20 is usually doomed to disappoint.


The date of the G20 summit in Cannes on 3-4 November has become a deadline for the eurozone to sort out its sovereign-debt crisis. This deadline bestows an importance on the G20 meeting that it otherwise does not merit. While it is true that the European Union has contrived to turn the debt crisis into a source of instability for the entire global economy, the G20 is not the means of global governance that its champions wanted it to be.

The combination of developed countries and developing economies might look impressive when it comes to the photo-calls, but the more important question is whether the G20 is effective. Some people have been deceived by a G20 summit of 2-3 April 2009 when, with the shockwaves from the collapse of Lehman Brothers still rippling, the G20 did put on a show of action, in what was perhapsGordon Brown's finest hour in an otherwise unhappy few years as British prime minister. But, judged by more than one meeting, the G20 is doomed to disappoint. The ineffectiveness of last weekend's G20 finance ministers is the norm.

The group is too large for effective decision-making, particularly because its members have such disparate interests. Yes, it does provide another forum for the likes of Brazil and India to speak to (and challenge) the flag-wavers of Western capitalism, but it is not the place where new policy will be negotiated. The G20 was created because of dissatisfaction with the G7 (G8 with the addition of Russia), which is too Western and too northern, has too many European countries, and is no longer an accurate reflection of where economic power lies. Those criticisms are justified – any club that includes Silvio Berlusconi's Italy, which has attained a status of irrelevancy even on as limited a stage as Europe, must be deeply suspect. But if the creation of the G20 has done anything, it is to permit the perpetuation of the G7. The demands for root-and-branch reform of the G7 would be unstoppable if the G20 did not exist. As it is, the leaders of Europe's largest nations are condemned to an endless round of summitry – EU, G8, G20, UN, etc, etc – whose value does not match the expense. In so far as global economic governance is possible, it will be achieved through a G3 or G4 – the US, China, the EU and, perhaps, Brazil. That configuration can be tweaked and argued over (some would put the case for Saudi Arabia to figure as a representative of the Gulf economy), but it cannot and should not be stretched as far as a G20.

The members of the European Council would do well to bear these weaknesses of the G20 in mind. When they meet in Brussels on Sunday (23 October), the leaders of the EU's 27 member states should not kid themselves that the G20 stands ready to resolve any questions that they fail to answer. The G20 is a deadline, but not a second chance, and ducking out on Sunday is not an option. For more than a year, the eurozone's leaders have, as the worn-out cliché puts it, been kicking the can down the road. They have now run out of road. The EU has to use its own decision-making machinery – of which Friday and Saturday's meetings of finance ministers are an example – to resolve the difficult issues.

Although some people, notably spokespeople for the German government, have been trying to play down expectations ahead of Sunday, the eurozone's trading partners – the US and, less vociferously, China – have worked out that the stakes must be raised to ensure that Europe does not run away.

The eurozone has to come up with credible answers – to the immediate problem of Greece and a possible default, to the broader challenge of how to harness enough lending power to ward off debt contagion, and to questions about the capitalisation of European banks. If Sunday's meetings do not come up with plausible responses, then the deadline of the G20 meeting will be irrelevant. By the time the summitry moves to the French Riviera, the financial markets will have delivered a merciless verdict.


10/15/2011

US rejects plan to strengthen IMF in euro zone crisis


Πηγή: Business Standard
By Reuters
Oct 15 2011

Proposals to double the size of the IMF as part of a broader international response to Europe's debt crisis ran into resistance from the United States and others, burying the idea for now and putting the onus firmly back on Europe.

The outlines of the plan, that had the backing of several developing economies, emerged as G20 finance ministers and central bankers met in Paris to discuss a world economy under threat from European nations mired in debt.

A second day of talks on Saturday may produce more robust language on the urgency of tackling the euro zone debt crisis but little of substance is likely to be inked in with an EU summit in nine day's time the make-or-break moment.

A communique and round of closing news conferences are expected around 1500 GMT with other decisions set up for a G20 leaders' summit in Cannes on November 3-4.

One G20 source said emerging market policymakers backed injecting some $350 billion into the International Monetary Fund.

US Treasury Secretary Timothy Geithner and his Canadian and Australian counterparts poured cold water on the idea. The IMF's dominant shareholders, including the United States, Japan, Germany and China, are content that the fund's $380 billion worth of resources is enough.

"They (the IMF) have very substantial resources that are uncommitted," Geithner said.

German Finance Minister Wolfgang Schaeuble agreed the euro zone debt crisis was for Europe to solve, and expressed confidence that EU leaders would produce a plan at the Oct. 23 summit that would be convincing for financial markets.

The United States is among countries keen to keep pressure on the Europeans to act more decisively to end the two-year-old debt crisis that began in Greece but has since spread to Ireland and Portugal and is lapping at Spain and Italy.

"The first priority here is for Europeans to put their own house in order," Australian Finance Minister Wayne Swan said.

Canadian Finance Minister Jim Flaherty also said the G20 should keep up pressure on the euro zone on its "arduous" journey towards a solution and not focus on IMF resources.

If minds needed concentrating further, Standard and Poor's cut Spain's long-term credit rating, citing the country's high unemployment, tightening credit and high private sector debt,

highlighting the risk of a much larger economy than Greece coming under threat.

French and German officials are trying to put flesh on the bones of a crisis resolution plan in time for the European Union summit.

Fears about the damage a default by Greece -- and possibly others -- could inflict on the financial system have driven a confidence-sapping bout of market volatility since late July, with global stocks falling 17% from their 2011 high in May.

DIVISION

Unlike in 2009 when the G20 launched coordinated stimulus to pull the world out of crisis, the rest of the world is chafing at Europe's slow response while Washington and Beijing are sparring over the yuan currency.

The Franco-German crisis plan is likely to ask banks to accept bigger losses on their Greek debt than the 21% spelled out in a July plan for a second bailout of Athens, which now looks insufficient.

"It will be more, that's more or less certain," French Finance Minister Francois Baroin said.

It should also lay out a system for recapitalising banks and plans to leverage the euro zone's 440 billion euros European Financial Stability Facility to give it more punch.

Schaeuble said European banks should be helped, if necessary, with state means to strengthen their capital.

Whilst the EFSF has the resources to cope with bailouts for Greece, Portugal and Ireland, it would be overwhelmed by the need to rescue a bigger economy such as Italy or Spain.

The most effective method would be to turn the EFSF into a bank so it could draw on European Central Bank resources. Both Germany and the ECB are opposed to that. Attention has turned to the idea of making the fund more like an insurer.

For example, if the EFSF covered the first 20% of losses a bank could suffer in case of a default -- it could multiply its firepower fivefold to over 2 trillion euros.

ROLE OF IMF

G20 sources said most BRICS economies were in favour of bolstering the IMF's capital as a crisis-fighting tool.

"We have said this before and have conveyed this again, that if emerging economies and the BRICS are called upon to contribute, we can do it via the International Monetary Fund," one of the sources said. "India is open to it, China and Brazil are also okay with the idea."

Another G20 source said the IMF would present a plan which had broad support to its executive board to make short-term credit lines available to fundamentally healthy countries hit by liquidity crises. It could aid euro zone countries hit by the current crisis of confidence in the bloc's sovereign debt.

Any real progress on bigger goals such as setting parameters to measure global imbalances and reining in speculative capital flows is unlikely to come before a Nov. 3-4 summit in Cannes, where France passes the G20 baton to Mexico.

A French finance ministry source said that for Cannes, France hoped to have two or three measures agreed for countries showing imbalances: consolidation measures for those with high deficits and stimulus measures for those with surpluses.

"We are going to try to make some progress and obtain, perhaps not tomorrow or Saturday but by Cannes, a list of measures country by country," he said. "These must be measures which will have an impact on the real economy."

A separate G20 source said after preparatory talks late on Thursday that China would commit to boost its consumption through a five-year plan, via households and companies as well as infrastructure.

The G20 countries make up 85% of global output.

An April G20 meeting placed seven large economies under review -- the debt-burdened United States, export driven China and the economies of France, Britain, Germany, Japan and India. Officials have said privately the aim was to get Beijing to discuss the yuan, and China's cooperation is essential to the success of the process.

A G20 official said China would not commit to a quick liberalisation of its yuan currency to help rebalance global growth, but would offer to use expansionary fiscal policy to fuel domestic demand.

"No, they were pretty firm on that -- there will be no progress," the official said.