4/04/2021

Ukraine to hold join military drills with NATO amid escalating tensions with Russia

 






Source: The Hill
March 4 2021
By Tal Axelrod


Ukraine’s military announced Saturday that it will hold joint military drills with NATO troops later this year amid escalating violence with pro-Russian separatists in the eastern part of the country.

The armed forces said in a statement on Facebook that the drills will be held with more than 1,000 military personnel from at least five NATO member states in a few months.

“In particular, defensive actions will be worked out, followed by an offensive in order to restore the state border and territorial integrity of a state that has been subjected to aggression by one of the hostile neighboring countries,” the statement said, in an apparent reference to Russia.

An exact date for the drills, which were described as routine, was not provided.

“Exercise Cossack Mace is a routine exercise which is still in the planning stage," a U.K. UK Ministry of Defence spokesperson said in a statement to The Hill. "It is due to take place in Summer 2021.”

Moscow had preemptively rebuked any potential deployment of NATO personnel to Ukraine, warning that it would ramp up pressure along the border between the two countries.

But pressure has already ramped up along the border, with Russia building up its military presence on its side of the barrier. Fighting also increased with separatists backed by Moscow in eastern Ukraine, spelling the potential end to a cease-fire in the Donetsk region.

The Ukrainian parliament this week put out a statement declaring an “escalation” along the front, citing a “significant increase in shelling and armed provocations by the armed forces of the Russian Federation.”

Ukraine, which represents NATO’s front line in Eastern Europe against Russian expansion, pressed Western governments to “continue and increase international political and economic pressure on Russia.”


4/03/2021

EU: "Corruption? What Corruption?"




Source: NewEurope
April 3 2021
By Mihai-Razvan Corman


In response to the unprecedented social and economic crisis triggered by COVID-19, the EU agreed on a historic recovery plan worth €1.8 trillion in November 2020. Member States that have been experiencing serious corruption received considerable financial assistance. Given the huge amounts of money involved, the plurality of funding sources and complex allocation criteria, the rescue package is prone to increased risks of corruption and fraud.

The Rule of Law Reports and the budget conditionality – the EU’s most recent response to corruption backsliding – are unfit to prevent further corruption backsliding in Europe.

The EU’s once comprehensive approach towards corruption has long fallen into oblivion. In 2014, the European Commission published the Anti-Corruption Report – the first EU-wide, uniform monitoring mechanism against corruption. In an unprecedented manner, the document addressed corruption as a cross-cutting issue and recommended country-specific actions for follow-up.

The Commission intended to use these periodic snapshots as a starting ground for enhanced policy actions against corruption. However, after having publicly committed to publishing the nearly finished follow-up report, in a widely criticised letter to the European Parliament the Commission surprisingly announced to discontinue the monitoring mechanism in 2017.

Following severe corruption and rule of law backsliding in the EU, in 2019, the Commission put forward a new set of actions aimed at strengthening the rule of law. After having pursued a ‘two-track approach’, where corruption and the rule of law were treated as entirely distinct policy areas, the Commission redefined anti-corruption as an implicit objective of strengthening the rule of law. Suddenly, the rule of law became the silver bullet for corruption. This recent switch to focusing exclusively on the ‘rule of law track’ was made at the expense of a comprehensive EU anti-corruption policy.

The 2020 Rule of Law Report, one of the main pillars of the ‘rule of law track’, reveals that the Commission’s approach towards anti-corruption is fragmentary and superficial. The extensive scope of the new EU monitoring mechanism, which is supposed to annually assess a variety of rule of law aspects in the Member States takes the focus off of crucial areas with increased risks for corruption. The reports entirely ignored corruption in public procurement – the area most affected by the misappropriation of EU funds. This is surprising, given that the EU disposes of precise data in this area. Since July 2019, the European Single Market scoreboard provides red flag procurement indicators that trace corruption in the EU in real time.

Moreover, the 2020 Report does not include any country-specific recommendations. One can only wonder how the Commission intends to ‘measure’ progress in the next rule of law cycle of 2021. This naïve form of benchmarking renders the rule of law reports completely toothless and marks the Commission’s failure to live up to its objective to “develop possible solutions … to problems before they escalate”.

The report also reveals serious methodological flaws. Instead of spotlighting objective country facts, the Commission chose to mainly focus on the legal and institutional frameworks of the bloc’s members and perception-based corruption indicators. However, as has been observed elsewhere, the legislative and institutional set-up in a country is devoid of substantive significance regarding the extent of corruption on the ground. While corruption surveys allow to identify general trends, they provide unreliable data on corruption levels across longer periods of time.

The EU budget conditionality – the second main pillar of the ‘rule of law track’ – foresees cutting funds for members that do not respect the rule of law.

While it is an innovative legal instrument in many ways, the budget conditionality has an extremely narrow scope of application, as it only covers rule of law breaches that cause negative effects for the financial interests of the EU. Moreover, it adopts a narrow and bribery-focused criminal law understanding of corruption. Consequentially, the budget conditionality will hardly contribute to alleviating the pressing issues the EU is currently faced with – state capture, the destruction of institutional checks and balances and COVID-19-related public procurement corruption in the health care sector and cronyism, nepotism and favouritism in the recruitment and management of the health care workforce.

Most importantly, the EU rule of law track has not been able to find an answer to the question of how to proceed when the bloc’s 27 members deliberately seek to establish corrupt autocratic regimes and are not interested in strengthening the rule of law. Increased dialogue and enhanced cooperation – the key features of the ‘rule of law track’ – are unlikely to change the hearts and minds of Member States that sabotage EU anti-corruption initiatives or misappropriate EU funds on purpose.

Mihai-Razvan Corman is PhD Researcher at Ghent University and Research Fellow at the Institute of European Democrats (IED) in Brussels and the Institut für Europäische Politik (IEP) in Berlin.

4/02/2021

US-funded Uyghur activists: "Wipe out China!"


Source: The Grayzone
March 31 2021
By Ajit Signh


Cultivated by the US government as human rights activists, Uyghur American Association leaders partner with far-right lawmakers and operate a militia-style gun club that trains with ex-US special forces.

On March 21, US-government-funded Uyghur activists were caught on video disrupting a gathering against anti-Asian racism in Washington DC, barking insults at demonstrators including, “Wipe out China!” and “Fuck China!” The Uyghur caravan flew American and “East Turkestan” flags and drove vehicles adorned signs bearing slogans such as, “We Love USA,” “Boycott China,” and “CCP killed 80 million Chinese people.”

Organized by the Uyghur American Association (UAA), the drive-by heckling of anti-racist demonstrators drew widespread condemnation on social media, including from other sections of the Uyghur separatist movement. Salih Hudayar, the self-proclaimed “Prime Minister of the East Turkistan Government-in-Exile,” slammed “the UAA’s reckless drive-by” for causing “severe backlash against Uyghurs,” and insisted that Uyghur Americans were “not racist.”

The UAA has attempted to distance itself from accusations of extremism and racism, stating that its members’ actions were misrepresented. Despite refusing to rescind their call for China to be “wiped out,” the UAA declared that it “condemns any form of bigotry and stands with all victims of racism.”