Showing posts with label Andreas Vgenopoulos. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Andreas Vgenopoulos. Show all posts

5/17/2014

Greek Bank’s Return to Risky Investment

Michael Sallas, the chairman of the Greek financial giant Piraeus Bank.

Πηγή: New York Times
By LANDON THOMAS JR.
May 16 2014

Investing in Greece’s banks was never for the cautious. But for the parade of hedge fund managers who have piled into the Greek financial giant Piraeus Bank, the bank’s latest deal has surely resulted in a dose of heartburn.

After raising billions of euros from equity and bond investors, the ambitious chairman of Piraeus, Michael Sallas, shocked the market on Friday by spending 250 million euros — half the amount the bank raised in an oversubscribed bond offering in April — to acquire a 17 percent stake in the Marfin Investment Group, one of Greece’s most indebted companies.

At a time when stretched Greek banks are taking extreme steps to raise cash, borrowing in ever larger amounts from the European Central Bank and unloading prized assets, the Piraeus move came as quite the surprise and the stock in the bank fell 11 percent for the day.

Among Piraeus’s larger investors is John Paulson, whose big bets on Greek banks have paid off significantly.

According to announcements from both Piraeus and Marfin, Piraeus will buy 250 million euros in convertible bonds, which, in time, will convert to a 17 percent stake in the company.

Marfin is a holding company with investments in health care, food products and transportation that has long been run by Andreas Vgenopoulos, a brazen deal maker who was also the chairman of Laiki Bank, the failed Cypriot bank. According to its 2013 annual report, the company had debt three times the size of its equity cushion.

Historically in Europe, large banks have had equity stakes in industrial concerns. But during the recent banking crisis in the euro zone, regulators have discouraged banks from these types of investments with the view that banks should use these resources to bolster their capital or make new loans.

In Greece, where European taxpayers financed a 40 billion euro bailout, regulators have been particularly vocal in arguing that Greek banks should refrain from taking equity stakes in nonfinancial companies. Before the country’s economic troubles, Greek banks had a reputation for making loans on friendly terms to companies that they have a stake in.

The deal is the latest in a long line of transactions between Mr. Sallas and Mr. Vgenopoulos. In 2001, Mr. Vgenopoulos bought a small bank from Piraeus that would go on to become Laiki. According to internal audit reports from the bank, during Mr. Vgenopoulos’s time as chairman, Laiki lent over 100 million euros($132 million) to entities controlled by Mr. Sallas for the purpose of buying back Piraeus shares.

In their report, auditors at Laiki report alleged that there was a quid pro quo relationship between Mr. Sallas and Mr. Vgenopoulos, a claim that has been refuted by both parties.


4/03/2013

Cyprus Banks Gamble Away Russian Billions



Πηγή: CorpWatch
By Pratap Chatterjee
April 2 2013

A few years ago Yiannis Kypri and Andreas Vgenopoulos, senior executives at the two biggest banks in Cyprus, were on top of the financial world. Kypri courted wealthy Russian investors in Moscow while Vgenopoulos handed out millions in loans to companies in Greece, the country of his birth.

Both Kypri, the former CEO of the Bank of Cyprus, and Vgenopoulos, the former CEO of Laiki Bank, were fired when their financial institutions collapsed, bringing down with them the economy of the tiny Mediterranean island country. Last week anyone who had deposited more than €100,000 ($129,000) in the two Cypriot banks was forced towrite off between 40 to 80 percent cut of their holdings in order to finance a €10 billion international bailout of the country.

Cypriots are understandably angry although the people who will lose the most appear to be expatriates, notably from the former Soviet Union who have been flocking to the country over the last decade. “There is a generation of Russian businessmen like me who have lost faith in the Russian government, in Russian banks and in Russian laws. That is why we are in Cyprus,” Sergey Ivanov, a Russian wine merchant in Cyprus told the New York Times.

Many Russians were attracted to Cyprus when it decided to become a “respectable” tax haven inside the European Union and shake off its prior reputation as a center for money laundering. Starting in 2008 the country swapped its local currency - the pound - for euros and built up a major offshore banking industry.

Bank of Cyprus acquired 80 percent of Uniatsrum, a Russian bank, in 2008 in order to cash in on this bonanza. “We are utterly convinced as to the huge potential of the Russian economy,” Kypri, who was then group chief general manager of Uniatsrum, told a Moscow press conference in 2010. “Once Uniastrum securities are accepted for trading on the Russian stock market, the bank’s appeal will increase, providing it with access to equity in rubles and further solidifying its position as one of Russia’s foremost banking institutions.”

Thousands of companies that existed just on paper were set up in Cyprus by wealthy expatriates in order to help them avoid taxes over the last few years. (There are320,000 registered companies for just 860,000 residents) Andreas Marangos, a Cypriot lawyer, says he alone set up 6,000 shell companies for Russian and Ukranian investors. Michalis Papapetrou, another Cypriot lawyer, told National Public Radio that one of his Russian clients deposited €100 million in the island.

At the same time, tens of thousands of ordinary Russians also flocked to the southern Cypriot town of Limassol to take advantage of the sunny weather, the banking system and a welcoming mayor who coincidentally speaks fluent Russian. A Russian radio station and two Russian-language newspapers, as well as dozens of shops selling Russian products have sprung up. Indeed, some have taken to calling the city “Limassolgrad” because of the overwhelming Russian presence.

Unfortunately Kypri, Vgenopoulos and their staff squandered the deposits that they were entrusted with on a variety of questionable schemes ranging from a property boom in Cyprus to large bets on Greek bonds, which they bought at 70 percent of their original value. Those bonds sank to a quarter of the original value under a deal engineered by the European Union in late 2011. Laiki alone lost €2.3 billion, an amount equal to an eighth of the national gross domestic product, while the Bank of Cyprus lost €1.6 billion.

Vgenopoulos, for example, used Marfin Popular Bank (a precedecessor to Laiki) to lend money to the monks of Vatopedi Monastery on Mount Athos to buy prime state-owned land in sweetheart deals which they then re-invested in his financial schemes.

Foolish ventures aside, some say the European Union deliberately forced Cyprus to the brink in order to break up the money laundering and tax dodging schemes on the island. “If we knew at the time what might eventually happen, we might not have been so willing to join,” Afxentis Afxentiou, former governor of Cyprus’s central bank from 1982 to 2002, told the Financial Times. “It seems they wanted to punish Cyprus.”

A committee of former Cypriot Supreme Court judges is scheduled to start work this week to attempt to discover who was responsible for the financial mess – presumably investigating the work of senior executives like Kypri and Vgenopoulos. They are expected to report back in three to six months.

Mind you such questions have been asked for a while with no answers forthcoming. "How could (the Cypriot authorities) be fooled by a man who took the capital of Cypriot depositors to Greece and turned it into thin air?" Zacharias Koulias, a Cypriot independent member of parliament asked his colleagues last May. "Is it even possible for a man to come to our country, grab the capital and leave, and all these managers didn't realize what was going on?

Meanwhile another scandal is brewing over a list published by a news website of 132 individuals and companies who were allegedly tipped off to the terms of the bailout and withdrew €700 million just before the bailout, incuding relatives of Cypriot President Nicos Anastasiades.


7/18/2012

Special Report: Clandestine loans were used to fortify Greek bank

A woman walks out of a Piraeus bank branch in central Athens in this May 30, 2012

Πηγή: Reuters
By Stephen Grey and Nikolas Leontopoulos
July 16 2012

The chairman of one of Greece's largest banks and his family took out loans totaling more than 100 million euros to finance an undisclosed stake in the bank, according to audit documents seen by Reuters.

Offshore companies owned by Michael Sallas and his two children paid for shares in the Piraeus Bank, the country's fourth-biggest, by borrowing money from a rival bank.

Together the shares make the Sallas family the largest shareholder in Piraeus, with a combined stake of over 6 percent. The purchase of these shares has not been declared to the Athens stock exchange by Piraeus.

The loans to Sallas, who was executive chairman of Piraeus Bank until last month and remains its non-executive chairman, raise new questions about the stability and supervision of the Greek financial system at a time when European taxpayers and the International Monetary Fund are bailing out its banks with more than 30 billion euros.

The IMF had no comment on the issue, and a spokesman for the Bank of Greece declined to comment on Sallas's holdings in Piraeus, citing banking confidentiality guidelines. "Our supervision department cannot comment on specific prudential data available or actions taken with regard to any specific bank as such information is confidential," he said.

According to audit reports seen by Reuters, most of the money borrowed by companies linked to Sallas was used to buy shares in a Piraeus Bank rights issue in January 2011. The issue was designed to strengthen Piraeus's capital base.

The disclosure highlights concerns that Greek banks have been borrowing money from each other and using it to meet recapitalization requirements, but not making that clear.

"This (the Greek financial system) is a closed circuit, operating as a system of power with no transparency and effective supervision," said Louka Katseli, professor of economics at the University of Athens and former Greek minister of economy. "Through triangle deals between banks, businessmen and other banks, capitalization requirements were fulfilled without new money injected."

Piraeus Bank and Sallas declined to answer specific questions for this story, but offered an interview later this month. On Sunday Sallas issued a statement to the Greek media attacking Reuters and accusing the news agency of "slandering" and "undermining" the bank.

"It is not the first time that I or Piraeus Bank have been the target of attacks," the statement said. "What should be of concern to all of us in the present situation is the safety and the further strengthening of our banking system."

Reuters Global Editor for Ethics and Standards Alix M. Freedman said: "Our coverage of Piraeus and of the Greek banking system has been accurate and fair to every person and institution involved."

In April, a Reuters investigation found that Piraeus had failed to tell shareholders it had rented expensive properties from a network of private companies run by the Sallas family. The bank has sued Reuters for defamation over the story, claiming 50 million euros in damages.

Reuters has also reported allegations of mismanagement at the Proton Bank and at a Cyprus-based bank formerly known as the Marfin Popular Bank that operates in Greece. Proton's former president and major shareholder, Lavrentis Lavrentiadis, has vigorously denied allegations that he used the bank to loan himself and associates hundreds of millions of euros.

Andreas Vgenopoulos, former chairman of Marfin Popular Bank, now renamed Cyprus Popular Bank, has denied conflicts of interest alleged by a Greek parliamentary inquiry and Cypriot lawmakers.

It was Marfin's largest then Greek subsidiary, the Marfin-Egnatia Bank (MEB), that issued the loans to the Sallas family. According to two audit reports on Marfin, the loans were ranked among its riskiest exposures, judged both by their shortfall in collateral, which is mainly Piraeus shares, and risk of future losses to the bank.

The two audit reports, from January and May this year, were shown to Reuters by separate and unconnected sources. They were authenticated in interviews with banking sources and officials in Greece and Cyprus.

Internal Marfin auditors said executives at MEB had "failed to act in the best interests of the bank" by granting successive loans to Sallas to buy his own bank shares. By 2011 his investment in those shares, the auditors found, had "dire prospects" and had been made through special purpose vehicles and with no personal guarantees.

The auditors wrote: "Worth noting is that loan approval took place at a time when it was all but clear that the outlook for the Greek banking sector and by extension for Piraeus stock was deeply negative." The loans were issued "when our Bank was already in a precarious liquidity situation".

SHARE PURCHASES

According to the records, Sallas first obtained a loan agreement from MEB in May 2009. A facility for up to 150 million euros was signed off by the Marfin group's Vgenopoulos, then executive vice-chairman. A spokesman for Vgenopoulos and Efthymios Bouloutas, the bank's chief executive at the time, declined to comment on the loans due to "banking secrecy legal obligations."

By January last year, according to the first audit report, MEB loans to Sallas companies amounted to 48 million euros. But that month, "another 65 million was used" to purchase shares in Piraeus's 800-million-euro rights issue.

The Sallas family bought their shares via three separate Cyprus-based companies, according to both audit reports. The purchase brought the family's total loans to 113 million euros, secured on collateral estimated to be worth less than 30 million euros, based on Piraeus's recent share price.

The three Cyprus-based companies are Shent Enterprises, which is owned by Sallas and which has 45 million euros in outstanding loans to MEB; Benidver Enterprises, which has 22 million in loans; and KAEO Enterprises, which has 46 million in loans.

Records at Cyprus' corporate registry show that both Benidver and KAEO were owned by Michael Sallas personally until a month before Piraeus's rights issue.

Ownership was switched to two Greek companies linked to the family and in turn owned by a single Cyprus company called Avecmac, whose shareholders are anonymous. But MEB audit documents from 2012 seen by Reuters record Benidver as owned by Sallas' daughter Myrto and KAEO as owned by Sallas' son George.

Avecmac, contacted through its representative in Cyprus, did not respond to requests for comment. Myrto Sallas declined to comment; George Sallas could not be reached.

FAMILY HOLDINGS

Exactly how many shares Sallas and his family bought in Piraeus last January, and in whose name they were registered, is not clear.

Some indication comes from the number of Piraeus shares pledged by the Sallas companies as collateral for the loans. Those rose by 62 million after the rights issue, bringing the total number of Piraeus shares pledged as collateral to more than 66 million, or around 6 percent of ordinary stock in the bank.

In filings to the stock exchange and in other declarations, Sallas has said he owns around 16 million shares in his name, as well as a total of around 16 million purchased through Shent Enterprises. He has declared no share purchases by his children.

Under Greek and European law, any holding in a public company of more than 5 per cent should be announced publicly. Greek law also requires all company executives "and persons closely associated with them" to make all share transactions public.

Marfin's auditors, according to their report, regard loans to Sallas and his family as "connected."

But Kostas Botopoulos, chairman of Greece's Capital Market Commission, which regulates the country's public companies, said the decision of who to define as a "person closely associated" was "considered on an ad hoc basis." There is no specific ruling on whether a spouse or children would fall in that category, he said.

Piraeus Bank released a statement saying the bank would not answer the detailed questions sent to Sallas and the bank due to "civil and criminal cases" between Piraeus and Reuters, and between the bank and a former Piraeus employee "charged with serious crimes." Piraeus has previously said the former employee had defamed the bank.

"The Bank will refute the allegations in court," the statement said. "To do otherwise would clearly be in contempt of the proceedings. In the interest of transparency, to defend its reputation and reassure its shareholders, the Bank has provided the Bank of Greece with all the relevant information."

CAPITAL BASE

The loans to investors in the Piraeus rights issue highlight a bigger concern in the Greek banking sector. Piraeus issued more shares last year to strengthen its capital base, enabling it to score higher in European bank stress tests.

The successful issue, Sallas said at the time, showed "a sign of confidence in Piraeus Bank, the Greek banking system and of course the prospects of the Greek economy."

But Sallas did not make public the loans he and other shareholders had taken out to help make the rights issue a success.

In all, according to loans disclosed so far, nearly one-fifth of the new capital in Piraeus was raised with financing from other Greek banks - including another 20 million euros or so loaned by MEB to investors, and 70 million euros loaned by the Proton Bank. The Proton loans went through offshore companies in tax havens such as the Cayman Islands.

Proton has since been nationalized after Greece's money-laundering authority alleged fraud and embezzlement in cases unrelated to Piraeus or MEB.

According to several European banking and accounting experts, if banks loan money to finance major stakes in other banks, then the industry's regulator, in this case the Bank of Greece, should deduct the same amount from the capital the lending bank claims to hold.

Dr Peter Hahn, a fellow at London's Cass Business School and an adviser to the UK Financial Services Authority, said that a loan scheme whose only means of repayment was shares in another bank should, under international rules, be treated as if the lending bank was directly purchasing shares in the other bank. "The equity in the lending bank would otherwise be supporting risk of loss in both banks," he said.

Hans-Peter Burghof, a professor of banking and finance at the University of Hohenheim, Germany, said that billions of euros had been given to the Greek banking system without adequate supervision of the sector. "It's our money and it has been given without controls. It's a disaster," he said.

If banks lent to finance each other's shares, he said, then "this way you can produce as much equity as you like and make banks as big as you like. It is not real equity." He likened it to "a kind of Ponzi scheme."

Burghof said that, whether deemed to be covered by regulations or not, if bank equity was raised in this way, the banks and companies involved should be treated as a consolidated whole. "If the regulator finds out (about loans from one bank to finance share purchases in another), he should discount this equity," he said.

The European Banking Authority, which is meant to safeguard the stability of the financial system and transparency of markets, generally agreed with that analysis, though a spokeswoman said there may be exceptions in the case, say, of a "financial assistance operation".

There is no indication in their financial statements that either Proton or Marfin made deductions in their capital levels after their loans for Piraeus shares.

In a statement the Bank of Greece said it does not ordinarily require capital deductions from banks that lend money for the purchase of shares in other unconnected banks.

"European Union law does not prohibit granting loans to an entity (person or organization) in order to participate in a share capital increase of another credit institution," the bank said. Such a deduction from regulatory capital would only take place if a bank granted loans to buy its own shares, it said.

It added that the disclosure of major stakes (over 5%) in a public company was "indeed a requirement on the stakeholder". But this was policed by the Capital Market Commission, not the Bank of Greece.

The CMC said that shareholders, in calculating whether they hold 5% or more, should aggregate holdings if they have an agreement to act together.