Showing posts with label lawsuit. Show all posts
Showing posts with label lawsuit. Show all posts

9/17/2011

NATO air strikes kill 354 in Sirte-Gaddafi's spokesman



Πηγή: Reuters
by Barry Malone
Sep. 17 2011


TUNIS, Sept 17 (Reuters) - Muammar Gaddafi's spokesman told Reuters on Saturday that NATO air strikes on Sirte overnight had hit a residential building and a hotel, killing 354 people.

His claim could not immediately be verified as Sirte, Gaddafi's hometown, has been largely cut off from communication since the fall of Tripoli.

NATO comment was not immediately available.

Moussa Ibrahim, in a call from a satellite phone to Reuters office in Tunis, said: "NATO attacked the city of Sirte last night with more than 30 rockets directed at the city's main hotel and the Tamin building, which consists of more than 90 residential flats.

"The result is more than 354 dead and 89 still missing and almost 700 injured in one night."

Ibrahim said Gaddafi was personally directing loyalist fighters who are holding back provisional government forces at his remaining strongholds in Libya.

"He is leading all aspects of this struggle. He is talking to the people, he is lecturing, he is discussing, he is looking after all matters of the resistance," he said.

Ibrahim said Gaddafi was in Libya and confident of victory.

"We will be able to continue this fight and we have enough arms for months and months to come," he said.

"In the last 17 days more than 2,000 residents of the city of Sirte were killed in NATO air strikes," he said.


9/09/2011

'We fight for Muammar. We fight for Libya. He protected our country'



Πηγή: The Independent
By Kim Sengupta in Tripoli
Friday, 9 September 2011


"No-one likes being bombed by foreign countries. They bombed us for six months and they are still bombing us. Even after they put their puppets in Tripoli. We fight for Muammar, he protected our country: we fight for Libya".

In reality, Amr Abdullah Jawad, 22, was in no state to fight Nato or anyone else, lying in a ward at the central hospital in the Libyan capital. His right leg was in plaster after an operation to extract shrapnel, an injury he received while involved in street fighting in the Abu Salim district nine days ago. His defence of Gaddafi faded when the nurse came. "I want the country to be united," he said, turning to face the wall.

Others, however, continue to fight for the regime. Two weeks after Tripoli fell to the revolutionaries, in what should have been the end to this vicious civil war, stubborn pockets of resistance continue at Sirte, Bani Walid, Sabah. The Libyan dictator and his family remain elusive with differing rumours of their whereabouts being spread by members of the opposition's Transitional National Council.

Yesterday, Gaddafi made his latest broadcast, denying he was in a convoy, supposedly laden with gold and guns, which disappeared in a cloud of dust across the border into Niger. His enemies, he charged, were "intruders, they are mercenaries, they are stray dogs. The youths are now ready to escalate the resistance against the rats in Tripoli and to finish off the mercenaries."

To most people, Libyans and outsiders, this was the ranting of a desperate megalomaniac. But there is also the feeling that the longer the dictator and his sons remain free and able to deliver his messages, however removed from reality they may be, it gives heart to the ultra loyalists among his followers.

Members of revolutionary hierarchy had held that Gaddafi was a low priority for the new government, with its hands full of having to concentrate on introducing governance and repairing broken infrastructure. "That is wrong, he is able to say whatever he likes and some people believe him," said Mohammed Ilyas Badri, manning a checkpoint outside Bani Walid.

"We should capture him, put him in a cage and put it on television. That is the only thing that will convince some of these people [in Bani Walid] he is finished, otherwise this will carry on."

A little later came a salvo of a dozen Grad rockets from the supposedly besieged town, causing little damage, but showing that the loyalists retain weaponry and are in no mood to give up. Saif al-Islam, Gaddafi's son, was back in Bani Walid rallying cadres, said an elder from the town.

Moftar al-Rubessi looked unhappy and weary. Two days ago he was among a party of Bani Walid residents who arrived at Wishtata to hold talks with the rebels on surrender. The negotiations had been on satellite television watched inside the town and the delegates had to abandon their journey home when their cars came under fire.

"There are around 200 Gaddafi men inside Bani Walid and they are preventing a peaceful solution," said Mr al-Rubessi. They are not foreign mercenaries, large numbers of whom have been supposedly fighting for the regime, but Libyans. "These people have blood on their hands. They had opened fire on a protest march and killed innocent people. They are afraid of justice. We hoped that maybe they had left in the convoy, but they are still there."

The departure in the convey of hundreds of fighters from what is left of Gaddafi's forces should, in theory, hasten the end of further strife. But, all the indications are that those still fighting are locals rather than foreigners.

"Most of what they call the mercenaries had begun to disappear after the rebels entered Tripoli, although some of them fought alongside us in Bab al-Aziziya [Gaddafi's fortress] and here at Abu Salim," said Ahmed Mahmood Salhouddin, serving, until eight days ago, as a captain in the Libyan army.

"I think the fighting in Tripoli is now over. But you go to Sirte, to Sabbah, and it is a different story. Those are his people, those tribes did well out of Gaddafi and it is their duty to stand by him."

The revolutionaries in Tripoli say they do not want to make the mistake of the "de-Baathification" programme introduced in Iraq, which fatally weakened the security apparatus and played a part in driving former soldiers and police to join the insurgency.

Captain Salhouddin can, under this promise, join the new national army when it is formed. But, he says, he is prepared to wait. "I'll wait and see what the changes are like. I do not have anything to fear, I have just fought against people we were told were al-Qa'ida."

Some of Captain Salhouddin's neighbours in Abu Salim regard the changes with foreboding. "We had safety under Muammar Gaddafi, we had jobs and food. People forget how poor this country was and he made sure that not just the rich got the money from the oil," said Um Hania, a 63-year-old former teacher.

Captain Salhouddin also saw trouble ahead. "This is something I heard near the end. The Gaddafi people will go across the borders and wait. They have money, they have taken weapons from the arms dumps. Nato will have to stop their air attacks soon. Then these people will come back and start the real war, we are going to have another Iraq."

8/23/2011

The Libya War argument



Πηγή: Salon
BY GLENN GREENWALD
MONDAY, AUG 22, 2011 07:23 ET


In April, 2003, American troops entered Baghdad and Saddam Hussein was forced to flee; six months later, the dictator was captured ("caught like a rat in a hole," giddy American media outlets celebrated) and eventually hanged. Each of those incidents caused massive numbers of Iraqis who had suffered under his decades-long rule to celebrate, and justifiably so: Saddam really was a monster who had brutally oppressed millions. But what was not justifiable was how those emotions were exploited by American war advocates to delegitimize domestic objections to the war. Even though opposition to the war had absolutely nothing to do with doubt about whether Saddam could be vanquished by the U.S. military -- of course he could and would be -- the emotions surrounding his defeat were seized upon by Iraq War supporters to boastfully claim full-scale vindication (here's one of my all-time favorites from that intellectually corrupt genre).

So extreme was this manipulative way of arguing that then-presidential-candidate Howard Dean was mauled by people in both parties when he dared to raise questions about whether Saddam's capture -- being hailed in bipartisan political and media circles as a Great American Achievement -- would actually make things better. Dean's obvious point was that Saddam's demise told us very little about the key questions surrounding the war: how many civilians had died and would die in the future? What would be required to stabilize Iraq? How much more fighting would be unleashed? What precedents did the attack set? What regime would replace Saddam and what type of rule would it impose, and to whom would its leaders be loyal? That a dictatorial monster had been vanquished told us nothing about any of those key questions -- the ones in which war opposition had been grounded -- yet war proponents, given pervasive hatred of Saddam, dared anyone to question the war in the wake of those emotional events and risk appearing to oppose Saddam's defeat. That tactic succeeded in turning war criticism in the immediate aftermath of those events into a taboo (the same thing was done in the wake of Mullah Omar's expulsion from Afghanistan to those arguing that the war would result in a "quagmire").

As I've emphasized from the very first time I wrote about a possible war in Libya, there are real and important differences between the attack on Iraq and NATO's war in Libya, ones that make the former unjustifiable in ways the latter is not (beginning with at least some form of U.N. approval). But what they do have in common -- what virtually all wars have in common -- is the rhetorical manipulation used to justify them and demonize critics. Just as Iraq War opponents were accused of being "objectively pro-Saddam" and harboring indifference to The Iraqi People, so, too, were opponents of the Libya War repeatedly accused of being on Gadaffi's side (courtesy of Hillary Clinton, an advocate of both wars) and/or exuding indifference to the plight of Libyans. And now, in the wake of the apparent demise of the Gadaffi regime, we see all sorts of efforts, mostly from Democratic partisans, to exploit the emotions from Gadaffi's fall to shame those who questioned the war, illustrated by this question last night from ThinkProgress, an organization whose work I generally respect:




The towering irrationality of this taunt is manifest. Of course the U.S. participation in that war is still illegal. It's illegal because it was waged for months not merely without Congressional approval, but even in the face of a Congressional vote against its authorization. That NATO succeeded in defeating the Mighty Libyan Army does not have the slightest effect on that question, just as Saddam's capture told us nothing about the legality or wisdom of that war. What comments like this one are designed to accomplish is to exploit and manipulate the emotions surrounding Gaddafi's fall to shame and demonize war critics and dare them to question the War President now in light of his glorious triumph.

Of course, ThinkProgress could have just as rationally directed its question to President Obama's own Attorney General, Eric Holder, and his Office of Legal Counsel Chief, Caroline Krass, and his DOD General Counsel, Jeh Johnsen, all of whom argued that the war was illegal on the same grounds as Boehner did. Or they could have directed their comment to the numerous House Democrats who vehemently protested the war's illegality, and to the 60% of House Democrats who voted to de-fund it. Or they could have even directed it to ThinkProgress' own Matt Yglesias, who repeatedly expressed doubts about both the legality and wisdom of the Libya war, and last night wrote:

Let’s wish the best of luck to the people of Libya. Part of the problem with this intervention has always been that the fall of a dictator seems to me just as likely to lead to a bloody civil war or a new dictatorship as the emergence of a humane and stable regime. The effort to build a better future really only starts today.

Those are among the key questions that remain entirely unanswered. No decent human being would possibly harbor any sympathy for Gadaffi, just as none harbored any for Saddam. It's impossible not to be moved by the celebration of Libyans over the demise of (for some at least) their hated dictator, just as was the case for the happiness of Kurds and Shiites over Saddam's. And I've said many times before, there are undoubtedly many Libya war supporters motivated by the magnanimous (though misguided) desire to use the war to prevent mass killings (just as some Iraq War supporters genuinely wanted to liberate Iraqis).

But the real toll of this war (including the number of civilian deaths that have occurred and will occur) is still almost entirely unknown, and none of the arguments against the war (least of all the legal ones) are remotely resolved by yesterday's events. Shamelessly exploiting hatred of the latest Evil Villain to irrationally shield all sorts of policies from critical scrutiny -- the everything-is-justified-if-we-get-a-Bad-Guy mentality -- is one of the most common and destructive staples of American political discourse, and it's no better when done here.


UPDATE: Former MSNBC Donahue producer Jeff Cohen, in his book "Cable News Confidential: My Misadventures in Corporate Media,” documented the following from MSNBC in April, 2003, as U.S. forces entered Baghdad:

On April 10, three weeks into the war which he portrayed as mission accomplished, [Joe] Scarborough delivered a wacky commentary demanding that "disgraced" war skeptics like Jimmy Carter and Dennis Kucinich admit that “their wartime predictions were arrogant . . . misguided . . . and dead wrong.” This on a show in which he spoke of Iraq possessing WMD. Scarborough was gleeful that antiwar "elitists" like Tim Robbins, Susan Sarandon, and Janeane Garofalo were facing cancellations and boycotts. [Michael] Savage joined the conversation to say that "Hollywood idiots" are “absolutely committing sedition and treason." Scarborough responded, "These leftist stooges for anti-American causes are always given a free pass. Isn't it time to make them stand up and be counted for their views?"

With Gadaffi reportedly on the verge of falling, there certainly is a lot of similar chest-beating and boastful demands that war critics confess their shameful error -- as though anyone ever doubted that Gadaffi would fall -- and it all seems every bit as premature and manipulative as this April, 2003, orgy of self-celebrating war dances that took place on the MSNBC precinct of The Liberal Media.


7/27/2011

Gaddafi daughter's war crimes lawsuit against NATO ended in Belgium


Πηγή: m@c news

Jul 27, 2011, 15:12 GMT


Brussels - Belgian prosecutors have declined to investigate a war crimes complaint against NATO filed by Moamer Gaddafi's daughter, saying on Wednesday that their country's universal competence law does not apply in the case.

The law allows war crimes and genocide lawsuits to be brought against foreign leaders, as long as a connection can be established between Belgium and the defendant.

Aisha Gaddafi filed her lawsuit over an April bombing by NATO planes - charged with enforcing a United Nations-mandate no fly zone over Libya - on Moamer Gaddafi's compound, which reportedly killed her infant daughter, brother and two nephews.

Her lawyer argued that the universal competence law applied because NATO has its headquarters in Belgium.

But a spokeswoman for the prosecution told the German Press Agency dpa on Wednesday that the case does not fall under its jurisdiction, saying that there was no discernible link between the victims or the defendants and Belgium.

She also noted that NATO officials would be protected by diplomatic immunity were they to be targeted by a lawsuit.

Another complaint is, however, in the works.

Belgian lawyer Ghislain Dubois told dpa that he is poised to file a civil lawsuit against the military alliance on behalf of a Libyan man who lost several relatives and his house during a NATO bombing.

He is demanding 100,000 euros (144,000 dollars) in damages.

Dubois said he is optimistic that NATO's mission in Libya could be legally appraised through a civil court.