Showing posts with label Tawergha. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Tawergha. Show all posts

8/23/2014

Tawergha - 'a scar on Libya's revolution'

Children from Tawergha play in one of the refugee camps throughout Libya 
Πηγή: Middle East Eye
By Mary Atkinson
Aug 21 2014

As Libya spirals into chaos, refugees expelled from their hometown in 2011 see a glimmer of hope.

The children born in refugee camps haven’t harmed anyone.”

The children born in the seven days after the “Liberation of Tawergha,” during Libya’s 2011 revolution celebrated their third birthdays last week.

But for most of them, the date will have been marked not with candles and cake, but with another instalment in the daily struggle for clean drinking water and basic rights. These children have lived their whole lives in squalid refugee camps dotted throughout Libyan cities - they have never seen their hometown of Tawergha, the “green island” of Berber tradition.

Now, three years on from the forced evacuation of around 40,000 of the city’s residents, Libyan authorities and the United Nations are coming under increasing pressure to find a lasting solution for displaced Tawerghans.

‘A scar on the face of Libya’s revolution’

The city of Tawergha effectively became a ghost town on 11 August 2011, as rebels from nearby Misrata launched an all-out offensive.

The violence of 11 August didn’t come out of nowhere, though. There had been tension between Tawergha and Misrata for years; there were widespread allegations of killings and violence against women committed by men from Tawergha against Misratans, according to Sam al-Sharksy, a British-Libyan activist based in the UK.

When the 2011 uprising rolled around, the guns and rockets of war ignited long-running tensions between the towns. Tawergha was used as a base for Muammar Gaddafi’s forces, who between early March and mid-May subjected the neighbouring town of Misrata to a punishing three-month siege. Later, as rebels began to gain the upper hand, Tawerghans accused of complicity in the blockade of Misrata became a prime target. In its annual report published on Thursday, the Libyan Victims’ Organisation for Human Rights (VOHR) documents the arbitrary arrest of thousands, the abuse and torture of civilians and ultimately the wholesale expulsion of the city’s population, in what Human Rights Watch calls an act of “ethnic cleansing.” VOHR calls what has happened to the Tawerghans since then “a scar of the face of Libya’s revolution.”

‘Mass detention centres’

Three years on, and Tawerghans have made little progress towards returning to their homes in what is now a ghost town. Most live in cramped refugee camps on the outskirts of major Libyan towns.

“The camps are inhumane - there is no clean running water, no toilets, no security. Those who visit usually come out crying,” according to Sharksy, who has started a Twitter campaign to draw attention to the issue.

VOHR has also documented numerous attacks on the settlements, which are “closer to mass detention centres” than refugee camps. In the most recent, a July 2013 attack on al-Fallah camp in central Tripoli, a refugee was killed and several injured when militias walked in and opened fire. Such assaults and killings have, according to the VOHR, been met with stony silence by the Libyan authorities.

Government and UN failures

The years since the “Liberation of Tawergha” have been characterised by silence from the government - but many also criticise the inaction of the United Nations.

“For the Libyan government, it is very difficult to get Tawerghan problems on the agenda,” according to Andrew Allen, charge d’affaires for the British embassy in Libya. “In the past year, there has only been one high-level meeting on the issue.”

The government has put forward one suggestion for a lasting solution - that Tawerghans relocate to the town of al-Jufra. Over 350 kilometres south of Tawergha in Libya’s scorching desert, the refugees recently rejected it as a possible site for their new home. No new solution has been put forward to date – “despite all the international laws and procedures, the Libyan government has not made any earnest efforts to return the city’s residents to their homes,” reports VOHR.

Activists also complain about the role the UN has played in the protracted dispute. Jeroen Spaander, a Dutch businessman who runs the campaign group, Tawergha Foundation, told MEE that there are just three UN staff working on the ground with Libya’s over 50,000 internally displaced people. “The UN can’t do very much. They need approval from the people in charge - but the people in charge are actually militia groups.”

Andrew Allen told MEE that, though the UN in Libya have had some success, including in their work with Tawerghans, "they have some difficulties. I don't want to give them marks out of 10."

According to Mohammed el-Jarh, a Libya analyst and non-resident fellow at the Atlantic Centre's Rafik Hariri Centre for the Middle East, the UN should have stepped in long ago to halt “crimes against humanity and violations of international law.”

“The UN failed to address issues very early on that emboldened those who claim revolutionary legitimacy. Had they tried to reign in Misrata and play an assertive role, this would not have happened.”

Neither Libyan government officials nor the United Nations had responded to MEE’s requests for comment at the time of publication.

In the absence of action from the Libyan government and the UN, Tawerghans are self-organising. They have formed councils to debate proposed solutions; in July 2013, they launched an attempt, shut down by the government, to unilaterally return to Tawergha.

Help is also coming from an unlikely source - Misratans. “A small number of businessmen in Misrata have been helping, giving away food and furniture. But they have to do so in secret; if they helped Tawerghans openly, they would face huge problems in their own community.”

Hope amidst the chaos

Tawerghan attempts to put their struggle on the political agenda have been thwarted by their political disenfranchisement and, increasingly, the chaos that is gripping Libya as a whole. As rival militia groups battle it out for control of the capital, and thousands of families flee the violence, the prospect of a solution seems bleak. However, Mohammed el-Jarh explained that for Tawerghans, the destabilised situation in Libya is not necessarily a bad thing.

“A number of Tawerghans in Tobruk told me that the fact that things are getting worse in Libya is actually positive for them. Now that things are being shaken up, they feel there will be a chance to put their issue back on the agenda in the future.”

6/27/2013

Libya: Displaced People from Tawergha Barred From Return


"An entire community is being held hostage to crimes allegedly committed by a few.The onus is now on the government to end this collective punishment by ensuring that Tawerghans can exercise their right finally to return to their homes".  (Eric Goldstein, deputy Middle East and North Africa)
Πηγή: HRW
June 27 2013

(Tripoli) – Libyan authorities should allow displaced residents of the city of Tawergha to return to their homes safely. Local authorities in Ajdabiya turned back a group of Tawerghans on June 25, 2013. Some had left Benghazi in a convoy of about 40 cars for Tawergha, 750 kilometers west, only to be barred passage in Ajdabiya, 150 kilometers from Benghazi.

Tawerghans fled their hometown in August 2011 as armed fighters from the nearby city of Misrata approached. About 35,000 Tawerghans are dispersed across the country and have been prevented from returning by armed groups from Misrata. The Misrata groups accuse Tawerghans of fighting with pro-Gaddafi forces during the 2011 conflict and committing war crimes in Misrata.

Whereas it is understandable that individuals in Misrata may want justice for crimes committed against them by individuals, that does not give them any right to block the right of return of displaced people to their homes, Human Rights Watch said. Widespread or systematic forced displacement carried out as a policy, as in this case, amounts to a crime against humanity.

“An entire community is being held hostage to crimes allegedly committed by a few,” said Eric Goldstein, deputy Middle East and North Africa director at Human Rights Watch. “The onus is now on the government to end this collective punishment by ensuring that Tawerghans can exercise their right finally to return to their homes.”

In recent weeks, the government, religious leaders, tribal leaders, and the United Nations mission inLibya have all cautioned against a unilateral initiative announced by the Tawergha community to return home on June 25. The government and others said they were concerned about possible confrontations by groups that oppose the Tawerghans’ return.

The Local Council of Tawergha, the main body representing the displaced Tawergha community, decided to postpone the return operation. Nevertheless, a small group of Tawerghans, motivated in part by concern that a plan was afoot to resettle them permanently in a place other than Tawergha, set out for home. They were blocked by local authorities in Ajdabiya. The local officials apparently were acting in consort with the central government, which feared attacks on the convoy by groups from Misrata, a member of the convoy who attended the meetings with the local authorities told Human Rights Watch.

Human Rights Watch visited Tawergha regularly in 2011 and 2012 and reviewed satellite imagery of the destruction of the city over time. Researchers observed extensive burning and looting of residential and commercial buildings in most parts of the town by arson and targeted demolitions after the fighting there had stopped in mid-2011, in an apparent attempt to prevent Tawerghans from returning home. The government has been unwilling or unable to intervene to break the veto that Misrata militias are exercising over the return of Tawerghans.

“Keeping people from going home is like detaining them ‘for their own good,’” Goldstein said. “The authorities should not only let them go home but should ensure them security as they go and when they get there.”


7/21/2012

Kiwi filmmaker released in Libya

Sharron Ward is a London-based New Zealand documentary maker who has been detained in Libya.

Πηγή: nzherald
By Glen Johnson
July 20 2012

A New Zealand documentary film-maker has been released by Libyan officials after being arrested while investigating former rebel abuses of a minority ethnic group.

Sharron Ward, from Gisborne but based in London, was arrested around 6.30pm Thursday (Libya time) at a disused naval academy on the outskirts of the Libyan capital, Tripoli.

She had been conducting interviews for around three hours with Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) from the former pro-Gaddafi town of Tawergha.

But she has now been released, safe and well, according to British newspaper, The Guardian.

The freelancer film-maker, who was working on a documentary in Libya, told the Guardian she had been filming the refugees with their permission when she was approached by military guards and asked for her accreditation.

"We filmed for three or four hours,'' she said, speaking from the base on her mobile phone.

"I was filming the last shot and some security guy said what are you doing? They said we were supposed to get proper permission.''


Ward was held for five hours, including at least three hours at the base, before being transferred to an intelligence facility at Ain Zara in southern Tripoli. She told the Guardian she was in good health and had not been mistreated.

Her equipment had been confiscated by Libyan officials and she was told to report back tomorrow (Saturday).

The Foreign Office in London said they were investigating.

Since the fall of Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi, the naval academy has become an IDP camp, housing around 2,500 Tawerghans - descendants of black African slaves - whose town, home to 30,000 people, was razed by rebels who accused the town's inhabitants of loyalty to Gaddafi during a crazed haze of retributive violence.

Gaddafi used Tawergha as a base to launch a sustained assault on neighbouring Misrata during last year's insurgency.

Abductions of Tawerghans from checkpoints and hospitals have become increasingly common, as are arbitrary arrests and extra-judicial killings.

In February, a militia from Misrata stormed the naval academy where Ward - who has official accreditation - was arrested.

By the assault's end a 63-year-old woman had been shot point-blank in the head, and two boys, neither 15-years-old, were laying face down on a nearby beach, one was shot in the back 10 times.

Libya has been plagued by a spate of retributive violence since the fall of Gaddafi.
Alleged Gaddafi loyalists continue to be stalked across the country, while an estimated 8000 people remain in detention, uncharged.

Two British journalists working for the Iranian channel Press TV were detained by a militia for around three weeks earlier this year, accused of spying, while the country's interim authority began passing laws stifling free speech.

The National Transitional Council, passed Law 37 (2012) - reminiscent of draconian Gaddafi-era laws according to rights groups _ which criminalised the glorification of the former regime, including Gaddafi, and anyone who insults "the prestige of the state'', its institutions or the Libyan people, as well as those who publish news which "harms the Feb 17 Revolution''.

The law was later ruled unconstitutional.


12/19/2011

'Cleansed' Libyan town spills its terrible secrets


Πηγή: BBC
By Tarik Kafala
Dec 12 2011

The 30,000 people living in a town in northern Libya have been driven out of their homes, in what appears to have been an act of revenge for their role in the three-month siege of the city of Misrata. So what really happened in the town of Tawergha, are the accusations of brutality against the town's residents fair and what does it say about hopes for national unity?

"No, they can never come back… They have done us too much harm, terrible things. We cannot forgive them."

Najia Waks, a young woman from Libya's third largest city, Misrata, is talking about the people of Tawergha, a town about 50km (30 miles) to the south.

For three months between early March and the middle of May, the forces of Muammar Gaddafi laid siege to Misrata. These forces were partly based in Tawergha, and the people of the town are accused of being complicit in the attempt to put down the uprising in the city. They are also accused of crimes including murder, rape and sexual torture.


Tawerghans are scattered across Libya in camps

The fighters of Misrata eventually prevailed, breaking out of their battered city. Misratan brigades made up part of the force that overran the capital Tripoli in August. They also captured and killed Gaddafi and one of his sons in late October, and put the corpses on display in their city.

In the middle of August, between the end of the siege and the killing of Gaddafi, Misratan forces drove out everyone living in Tawergha, a town of 30,000 people. Human rights groups have described this as an act of revenge and collective punishment possibly amounting to a crime against humanity.

Tawerghans are mostly descendants of black slaves. They are generally poor, were patronised by the Gaddafi regime and were broadly supporters of his regime. Some signed up to fight for him as the regime fought for its survival.

What happened in Misrata and Tawergha revealed one of the fault lines in Libya. It illustrates how difficult national reconciliation is going to be in some areas. It can also be seen as an example of the victors in the war that overthrew Gaddafi imposing summary and brutal justice on some of the communities that sided with the former regime and were vanquished.


"There is no evidence that rapes occurred... they drove us out because they want our land and homes”
Umm SaberTawerghan refugee

Ghost town

As you enter Tawergha from the main road, the name is erased from the road sign. It is now eerily silent but for the incongruously beautiful bird song. There were a few cats skulking about, and one skeletal, limping dog.

Building after building is burnt and ransacked. The possessions of the people who lived here are scattered about, suggesting desperate flight. In places, the green flags of the former regime still flutter from some of the houses.

Some of the buildings show the scars of heavy bombardment, some are burnt out shells, some are just abandoned. The town is empty of humans, apart from a small number of Misratan militiamen preventing the return of the town's residents.

Those that escaped the town are now scattered across the country. As many as 15,000 people are in Hun, in central Libya. Some are in Sabha and Benghazi, and more than 1,000 are in a refugee camp in Tripoli.

This camp, run by the LibAid humanitarian organisation, was a building site abandoned early in the uprising by the foreign construction workers who lived and worked there. It teems with women and children. There are men about, but they are very few and keep out of sight. The women are ready to talk but they want to cover their faces.



Umm Bubakr can't trace one of her sons. "They bombed and shot at us and we had to run away. I ran away with my kids. I've lost a boy and I don't know whether he is alive or dead. And now we are here, with no future. We are scared, we need a solution to our problem and we want to go home."

She says there are nightly raids by Misrata militiamen on the camp, to take away young men. They are not seen or heard of again.

Umm Saber says militiamen claim her nephew has confessed to raping a woman from Misrata, but she swears that he does not know the meaning of the word.

"There is no evidence that rapes occurred. They drove us out because they want our land and homes," she adds.

The top sign says hospital; the one indicating Tawergha is scrubbed out

Outside in the yard, as we leave the camp, the children gather to sing a protest song about their captivity in the new, free Libya.

People in Misrata explain what happened in Tawergha, the cleansing of a whole town, in terms of the rapes and sexual torture.

They are in no mood for reconciliation or forgiveness. In this conservative society, rape is an unforgivable crime. The victims do not come forward and so there is no way to know the extent of the crimes.

But the authorities in Misrata say that Tawerghans have confessed to rapes and that they have footage taken from mobile phones as evidence.

We were not allowed to see this, but the BBC was allowed to speak to a 40-year-old man who was held by pro-Gaddafi fighters from Tawergha as a suspected rebel fighter. His teeth were knocked out by a rifle butt.

He says that he saw a series of sexual assaults - including more than 20 men suffering torture to their genitals, a man being sodomised with a stick, and Tawerghan women who worked with the Gaddafi military urinating on prisoners who had been forced to lie on the ground.

Riyadh and Osama insist they are innocent and want their day in court

Assuming evidence of rapes and other crimes eventually emerges, it seems that Tawerghans are being collectively blamed for the crimes of a few people.

And because the people of Tawergha were largely supportive of Gaddafi, Misrata's triumphant militias seem to be holding them responsible for the far greater crimes of the former regime in its last months.

In Misrata, workmen are converting the former state security building into a prison, floor by floor. Conditions here appear to be good, though it is overcrowded.

The prison is clean and organised. Medecins Sans Frontiers (MSF), a humanitarian organisation, runs a small hospital, a pharmacy and a counselling service in the prison.

About 60 men from Tawergha are held here. A prison warden invites volunteers to speak to us. He insists they can speak freely and there will be no repercussions.

Torture claims

Riyadh steps forward. He insists he was not involved in rape, though he believes such things did happen. He says no-one has yet investigated his case or charged him with anything. The jail is not a bad place to be, he says, because outside it he would be in great danger. Riyadh hopes he will get his day in court and clear his name.

He urges his uncle to come forward to talk to us. Osama is a lot less voluble, but he shows what he says are scars from a beating with a heavy electrical cable he received from militiamen in Misrata after he was stopped at a checkpoint.

"I am innocent and want to be judged, but it is taking a long time. The people who committed crimes should be punished, not me," Osama says. "I'm obliged to stay a refugee. That's the situation. We will not be able to go home now, these people will not allow it."

This is pretty much Najia Waks' view of the situation. Najia had to move out of her home when it was destroyed by a rocket during the siege of Misrata. She lost four relatives in the war.

We meet her in a school on the outskirts of Misrata where she is taking part in a sewing workshop. Psychologists from MSF are also here, helping women and girls deal with the trauma of the siege they suffered.

Najia has no direct experience of the rapes and torture allegedly carried out by people from Tawergha, but she is in no doubt that they happened.

One of the teachers working at the school tells me that she cannot say herself if the rapes happened or not. "Everybody talks about this, but no-one really talks about it. It is too shaming," she explains.

Some of the women have lost husbands, sons or brothers in the fighting. They are being offered training so that they can support themselves.

Schoolgirls dance to patriotic songs as part of attempts to help them with stress and trauma

Children's drawings on the wall mock Gaddafi and his family. The young girls dance and sing songs celebrating victory, bravery and martyrdom - above all else, martyrdom. Pictures of dead relatives hang around their necks.

There is no question that the people of Misrata suffered terribly in the siege - the damage from bombardment is everywhere.

Mohammad Bashir al-Shanbah, the man who has founded the Martyr's Museum on one of the main streets in the city, says that more than 1,200 people from Misrata died in the fighting. Hundreds of people are still missing, unaccounted for.

His museum is a kind of gallery. Pictures of all those who have died cover some of the walls. There are pictures of people killed in purges carried out in the city by the Gaddafi regime in the city as far back as the 1980s. In front of the museum, you can wander among piles of the various shells, bullets, heavy guns and grenades that were used against the city. The golden fist that once stood in Gaddafi's compound in Tripoli is here too, a trophy that families come to be photographed beside.

Anyone who died in the cause of overthrowing Gaddafi is a martyr in today's Libya - the discourse of martyrdom is almost suffocating. Every speech opens with prayers for the martyrs, the TV stations are saturated with songs thanking the martyrs for their sacrifice. The central square in Tripoli has been renamed Martyrs' Square. The people of Misrata have adopted this language wholeheartedly.

War-torn city: Misrata suffered three months of intense siege

In the politics of the new Libya, Misrata is striking a hard bargain. Its militiamen continue to hold onto territory and weapons taken in the fighting. Their military successes and their suffering in the war leave them feeling entitled to a share of power.

Officials in Tripoli have said that there will be an investigation if any acts by fighters from Misrata have broken the law. But it does not appear that anyone is being held to account for the events in Tawergha.

With the townspeople being stopped from returning to their homes, it can be argued that the abuse is continuing and being compounded.

A striking aspect of Libya in this immediate post-Gaddafi period is that the regional or provincial centres - Misrata, Benghazi and Zintan for example - are dictating to the political centre, Tripoli, the capital and the seat of government.

Many cities and communities suffered terribly in the war. Tawergha and Gaddafi's home town of Sirte, which was devastated by heavy shelling, are just two examples.

But they have no voice in the new Libya, as they were on the losing side.



12/13/2011

LIBYA: Rocky road ahead for Libya’s Tawergha minority

Displaced Libyan children from the city of Tawarga live in prefabricated houses for workers at a construction site in Tripoli on Nov. 3. Misrata militias are carrying out revenge attacks on the displaced residents of the nearby town of Tawergha, a stronghold of Moamer Kadhafi loyalists during Libya's eight-month conflict, according to Human Rights Watch.

Πηγή: IRIN
Dec 13 2011

TRIPOLI- A major challenge facing Libya as it emerges from a nine-month civil war will be reconciling and integrating thousands of Tawergha accused of killing and raping residents of Misrata on behalf of deposed leader Muammar Gaddafi.

Theirs is the most extreme test of national reconciliation for a government that will have to integrate several groups of Gaddafi loyalists, including those in the towns of Bani Walid and Sirte, if the revolution is to be successful.

“The principle is extremely important,” said Emmanuel Gignac, head of the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) in Libya. “The country will not stand if you have rejected communities within it.”

The dark-skinned Tawergha minority - former slaves brought to Libya in the 18th and 19th centuries - resided until recently in a coastal town of the same name 250km east of the capital Tripoli.

With the rise to power of the rebels, the Tawergha are now on the defensive. Their town sits empty - doors hanging open and homes burned; the sign leading to the city has been changed to New Misrata and its population told not to return.

Continued harassment and revenge attacks on this minority threaten to re-ignite conflict, say aid workers.

In an abandoned Turkish company compound on Airport Road in Tripoli, more than 1,500 displaced Tawergha spend their days brushing away flies and watching their children play with toy guns amid piles of rubbish.

Here, women and children have huddled around on the uncovered mattresses they sleep on, weeping. They arrived in early November after a physically and emotionally draining journey from Tawergha, having been displaced by armed men every time they settled somewhere new.

Every one told of a father, son or brother who is either dead or in jail.

One of the women had received news from the International Committee of the Red Cross that her son, Ali Bakara Ammar, died in detention - accused of having kidnapped women from Misrata, though she insisted “he can’t even drive a car!” She also said she saw a man hung from the ceiling by his ankles.

Next to her, another woman said her three sons - none of whom fought in the war, she said - have been taken to Misrata for detention. She suspected she would never see them again.

In the corner of the darkened locker room they were staying in, a young girl, Brega, cried over her dead father, who was beaten before her eyes.

Another young woman told stories of Tawergha detainees receiving electric shocks, having cold water poured on them and being burned with cigarettes by the revolutionaries from Misrata who were holding them. “This is Abu Ghuraib, not Libya!... We have done nothing wrong. If they continue to beat us and attack us for no reason, it will become a cycle,” she said.

Demonstrations

Several times in November, rebels armed with heavy weapons entered sites for displaced Tawergha in Tripoli and in the eastern city of Benghazi to arrest residents suspected of committing crimes during the war.

In an attempt to “terrorize” the people, as one aid worker described it, they kicked in doors, fired shots in the air, pulled all the men to one side and uttered “unspeakable” words, according to one Tawergha leader, before hauling several men away.

Aid workers had been unable to stop these incursions because of the vast number of independently-operating brigades and the fragmented military command structure.

In recent days, the situation has improved. There have been no aggressive incursions; some Tawergha prisoners have been released; and the Tripoli Military Council has reportedly agreed with rebels from Misrata that they no longer enter the camps.

Still, the Tawergha have staged demonstrations in protest at their treatment, and aid workers are worried: "The concern is that marginalized communities like the Tawergha, if driven to the limit, may resort to using force to protect themselves," Samuel Cheung, a senior protection officer with UNHCR, told IRIN.


Photo: Heba Aly/IRIN
Displaced women and children from Tawergha say continued mistreatment of their ethnic minority could create a cycle of violence


Rejection 

Perhaps more worrying than the incursions themselves is a belief among many Libyans that the town of Tawergha - and its population of 35,000 - is simply “getting what it deserves”. Many in Misrata say they can forgive the alleged killings, but not the alleged rape. And many more do not differentiate between fighters and civilians.

“Those who fled [Tawergha] did something wrong,” said Ali Mousa, a leader of the Ard al-Rijal brigade in Misrata. “Those women and children who fled did so because their husbands or fathers did something wrong.”

The general attitude towards them - even among the most educated and strongest proponents of the rights-based revolution - is one of rejection.

“We all look negatively upon the Tawergha,” said one Libyan aid worker. “They are not accepted here.”

“It’s easier and better that they go away,” added Abdullah Maiteeg, a fighter from Misrata.

This simplistic view of just “dumping them” in a village in the south, as one aid worker characterized it, is mirrored by the Tawergha’s insistence that a return to their land is the only available option.

“A small tent in Tawergha is the highest building in the world to me… better than a palace in Zawiya,” said Mohsen Mohammed*, a supervisor of the Tawergha site in Tripoli. “I swear by God we will not move.”

Justice

Misratan leaders have softened their original stance that the Tawergha can never return. Ramadan Ali Zarmouh, head of the Misrata Military Council, said they would be free to return as soon as those who allegedly committed crimes were put on trial.


National Reconciliation Initiatives

The Libyan Humanitarian Relief Agency (LibAid) has distributed flyers of peaceful Tawergha reading the Muslim holy book, with the words: “Don’t blame us for what criminals among us did.”
In coordination with international aid agencies, LibAid is composing a song encouraging national reconciliation, which will be sung by children from across the country, recorded and rebroadcast widely.
LibAid is also considering bringing in internationally respected religious scholars like Yusuf Al-Qaradawi to try to find a solution./td>
The National Transitional Council held its first national reconciliation conference on 10 December, in which it said it would forgive those who fought against the rebels.
“If they come back without justice having been done, there will be vigilante justice,” he warned.

But there is until now no justice system to try the detainees, and according to the UN Secretary-General’s report to the Security Council on Libya, 7,000 prisoners - Tawergha and others - are currently being held in prisons and makeshift detention centres, “with no access to due process”.

Some observers are skeptical that a return will ever be possible.

As one foreign researcher who has spent months in Misrata put it: “Tawergha, as it stands now, will never exist again.”

National reconciliation?

But officials are less pessimistic. They say with time, heightened emotions and heated passions will simmer.

“It’s not a question of whether [this issue] can or cannot be resolved. It will have to be resolved,” said Georg Charpentier, UN humanitarian coordinator for Libya. He sees reasons for hope.

Where people used to get upset at the mere utterance of the word “Tawergha”, the taboo is beginning to subside and people are more willing to discuss the issue, Charpentier told IRIN. Where the government used to rely on the international community to address the needs of displaced Tawergha, it is now increasingly taking on that responsibility, he added.

But asked if national reconciliation was possible after the killings, the beatings and the torture the Tawergha have endured, women in the camp looked at each other, and then lowered their faces in silence, unable to answer.

For their part, many of the people of Misrata seem to have a narrow definition of national reconciliation, a process they see as helping those who supported Gaddafi in loyalist strongholds like Sirte and Bani Walid understand what Gaddafi was really like, and bringing them into the revolutionary fold.

“National reconciliation? In general, sure,” said Maiteeg, the Misrata fighter. “But the Tawergha is a totally different subject.”

Charpentier acknowledged it could take years before transitional justice and national reconciliation were possible.


Photo: Heba Aly/IRIN
Deposed leader Muammar Qaddafi used Tawergha as a base to attack Misrata, which was heavily damaged by fighting during the war

What actually happened in Misrata?

Part of the problem is that no one really knows what and how much happened in Misrata - estimates of how many people were allegedly involved in crimes range from 1,500 to 9,000 - and for cultural and other reasons, some people are fiercely opposed to any kind of investigation.

“To have the International Criminal Court come and have doctors investigate the rapes… no way,” Maiteeg said.

Others say an acknowledgement of crimes committed would go a long way to diffusing Misratan anger. But any such truth and reconciliation process would require “a strong message and vision by the National Transitional Council (NTC) and the government,” according to Ahmed Safar, a junior minister in the new cabinet, originally from Misrata - something that has so far been absent.

On 10 December, the NTC held its first national reconciliation conference, in which interim Prime Minister Abdel Rahim al-Kib said the future “cannot be built with revenge as a base,” Agence France-Presse reported.

But among the interim government’s competing priorities are recuperating millions of dollars in frozen funds to rebuild the country; preparing elections in eight months’ time; collecting weapons which have spread across the country; and providing alternatives to the young men who fought during the war.

“The NTC doesn’t have a plan for the Tawergha,” one aid worker said. “The sensitivities of it are such that no single leader in the NTC can handle this issue without taking some significant political heat from their constituencies.” So far, Safar added, initiatives towards national reconciliation have been piecemeal, lacking a “dedicated effort”.

In the meantime?

In the interim, high level aid officials advocate a temporary solution that would improve the living conditions of the Tawergha.

Another 7,000 or so were recently discovered in the south, near the town of Sebha. But Tawergha’s population was originally some 35,000 people. The rest remain unaccounted for - either staying with relatives or friends under the radar or hiding in the desert, afraid to emerge.
“Return is not possible at the moment. So we must prepare a plan B,” said Khaled Ben-Ali, chairman of the Libyan Humanitarian Relief Agency (LibAid). “If it’s going to be a long-term wait, you cannot have these people living in public houses or tents or in an inhumane manner.”

The NTC has asked him to study the feasibility of building “a whole city for Tawergha” until national reconciliation becomes possible. Sites near the southern oasis town of Jalo, or Sirte, Gaddafi’s hometown, are under consideration, he said.

But this plan, too, will face resistance.

“We will not leave Tripoli unless it’s for Tawergha,” said Mohammed, the supervisor of the Tawergha site in Tripoli. This stems, in part, from the fear of an existential threat. “Some people will try to disperse us all around, like the Jews… We have to stay put together… If we go elsewhere, they will kill us slowly.”

He said he had hope that the new government would fix the problem - one he characterized as a national issue, not a Misrata-Tawergha issue - and arrange for the Tawergha to eventually return home.

“But if the new government refuses, we will take up arms and take it back by force.”

*not his real name


10/31/2011

Libya: Militias Terrorizing Residents of ‘Loyalist' Town

Πηγή: trust
Oct 30 2011

(New York) - Militias from the city of Misrata are terrorizing the displaced residents of the nearby town of Tawergha, accusing them of having committed atrocities with Gaddafi forces in Misrata, Human Rights Watch said today. The entire town of 30,000 people is abandoned - some of it ransacked and burned - and Misrata brigade commanders say the residents of Tawergha should never return.

Human Rights Watch interviewed dozens of Tawerghans across the country, including 26 people in detention in and around Misrata and 35 displaced people staying in Tripoli, Heisha, and Hun. They gave credible accounts of some Misrata militias shooting unarmed Tawerghans, and of arbitrary arrests and beatings of Tawerghan detainees, in a few cases leading to death.

"Revenge against the people from Tawergha, whatever the accusations against them, undermines the goal of the Libyan revolution," said Sarah Leah Whitson, Middle East and North Africa director at Human Rights Watch. "In the new Libya, Tawerghans accused of wrongdoing should be prosecuted based on the law, not subject to vigilante justice."

The National Transitional Council (NTC) should bring central command and control, as well as accountability, to the more than 100armed groups from Misrata, Human Rights Watch said. Anyone abusing Tawerghans, or preventing their return, is committing a criminal offense.

The people of Tawergha mostly fled in August to the Jufra region, south of Misrata, according to the United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR), which put the number of displaced Tawerghans there at 15,000. Local officials in Hun, a town in Jufra, said 4,000 Tawerghans had sought shelter in three camps there as of early October, and an unknown number are in the town of Sokna and nearby agricultural settlements. Since then, at least 5,000 Tawerghans have moved from Jufra to Benghazi and Tripoli, and other groups are in Tarhuna, Khoms, and the far south.

When Human Rights Watch visited Tawergha at the start of October, it appeared emptied of its residents and most of the buildings had been ransacked. Over three days between October 3 and 5, 2011, Human Rights Watch saw militias and individuals from Misrata set 12 houses aflame in the town.




On October 25, Human Rights Watch spoke with a Misrata brigade that claimed to be "guarding" Tawergha. The deputy commander said his forces were "protecting the place from arson and looting." At the same time, trucks full of furniture and carpets, apparently looted from homes, drove past with men on the trucks honking and waving. Brigade members failed to intervene, arguing passionately that Tawreghans should never return after "what they did in Misrata."

On October 26, Human Rights Watch saw four more homes burning in the town, and a freshly lit fire in an apartment block next the brigade's base.

Most of the Tawerghans interviewed by Human Rights Watch said they had fled between August 10 and 12, as Libyan opposition forces led by fighters from Misrata approached and entered the town. More than 100 civilians stayed in Tawergha after that date but said that militias quickly forced them out.

"They came outside my house, and told us we had to leave our homes," said 80-year-old Muhammad Grayra Tawergi, a retired date farmer. "We were unarmed."

The local authorities and residents of Misrata widely accuse Tawerghans, the majority of whom say they are descendants of African slaves, of having committed serious crimes in Misrata with Gaddafi forces, including murders and rapes.

Gaddafi forces used Tawergha as a base for attacks on Misrata and the surrounding area from March until they fled in August. Many Tawerghans supported Gaddafi, whose government claimed that Libyan opposition fighters would enslave Tawerghans if they took power. Hundreds of Tawerghans joined the army, both Misrata and Tawergha residents said, during the heaviest attacks on Misrata between March and May, when the city was besieged and repeatedly subjected to indiscriminate rocket and mortar attacks. Misratan fighters successfully defended the city and began to defeat Gaddafi forces in the area, with help from NATO airstrikes.

Since the defeat of Gaddafi's forces, the Tawerghans have reported serious abuses, including arbitrary arrests, beatings, and some killings. Two cousins who fled the town told Human Rights Watch that they were gathering firewood in mid-September near where they were taking refuge in Lode, in the Jufra district, when they were captured by six armed men from a Misrata brigade. The brigade members handcuffed the two men, beat them, shot them, and left them abandoned on the side of the road.

"The first bullet hit my leg," one of the men said. "Then they started shooting all over, and two bullets hit my side and one in my cousin's leg. They were telling us to extend our hands to take off the handcuffs. I could see the bone in my leg so I fainted." The other cousin, interviewed separately, gave the same account (see below), stressing that both men were unarmed and in custody when they were shot.

In some cases, arrested Tawerghans have been subjected to torture and severe beatings, sometimes leading to death. Two witnesses told Human Rights Watch that on August 20, they saw guards in a Misrata detention facility on Baladia Street beat to death Emhamid Muhammad Shtaywey, commonly known as Faraj, a 42 year-old garbage truck driver from Tawergha, who they said had been tortured to confess to rape.

"They hit him with everything, all over his body: a hose, a leather belt, a stick; they even kicked him on the chest," one witness to the beating said. "He was lying on his back and they hit him hard."

On August 20 or 21, guards at the Zaroug School detention facility in Misrata beat to death a mentally ill man from Tawergha named Ashraf Salah Muhammad because they wanted the pass code to a walkie-talkie, two witnesses said.

"They started whipping him at 10 a.m. with a horse whip," one said. "It lasted forty-five minutes. He was dead by noon."

On September 25, Human Rights Watch witnessed the abuse of detainees at the Wahda detention facility in Misrata. Around midnight, a group of guards forced four injured detainees to run in the courtyard and to walk on their knees with their hands behind their heads.

"We do this every day," one of the guards said. "It is sport before they go to bed. They committed rape."

Sulaiman Fortia, one of three Misrata representatives on the NTC, denounced the deaths in custody and the mistreatment of Tawerghans in Misrata prisons.

"This is wrong, and it shouldn't happen," he told Human Rights Watch.

Fortia said the problem stems from the lack of civilian control over the hundreds of Misrata brigades and militias operating in Misrata, Tripoli, and until recently in Sirte.

Ibrahim Yusuf bin Ghashir, another member of the NTC from Misrata, said that the passions aroused by alleged atrocities, especially rape, make the return of Tawerghans to their town unlikely.

"We think it would be better to relocate them somewhere else - Tripoli, Benghazi, the south - give them housing and compensation for their losses in Tawergha," he said. "These cases cannot be forgiven, and it would be better to resettle them far away."

Gaddafi forces subjected the civilian population of Misrata to serious abuses during the war, Human Rights Watch said, especially during the siege between March and May. Gaddafi forces repeatedly launched indiscriminate mortar and Grad rocket attacks into the town, killing civilians. In April, Human Rights Watch documented the government's use of cluster munitions in the city.

But forcing all residents of Tawergha to resettle permanently in another part of Libya would amount to collective punishment and would constitute a crime against humanity for deportation or forced transfer, Human Rights Watch said.The NTC and Misrata Council should instead ensure the investigation and prosecution of Tawerghans accused of crimes and allow others to return to their homes and live in safety.

The NTC should also hold detained Tawerghans outside of Misrata, due to the abuse many of them are experiencing in the city, Human Rights Watch said.

"The entire town of Tawergha should not be punished for the crimes of some individuals," Whitson said. "Prosecutions of people who committed serious crimes are the way forward, with respect for victims' privacy, not the forced expulsion of the entire town."

Deaths in Custody

Two witnesses, interviewed separately, reported the death in custody of Emhamid Muhammad Shtaywey, known as Faraj, a 42 year-old garbage truck driver from Tawergha, at the Misrata security committee detention facility on Baladia Street at about 8 p.m. on August 20. They said that guards beat him to death. One of the witnesses said that guards and visitors badly beat Faraj throughout most of the day in the Baladia Street facility:

They hit him with everything all over his body: a hose, a leather belt, a stick; they even kicked him on the chest. He was lying on his back, and they hit him hard. Three or four people entered every half an hour and started beating him… He had confessed to rape. I asked him, "Why did you say that?" He said, "They made me." I said, "C'mon, thirty girls, the youngest eight-years-old?" [He said,] "I had to say that so they would stop beating me…" They were cursing and swearing at him: "You rapist, you are with Gaddafi." He wasn't answering, and he wasn't moving. They said, "Wake up, wake up." I saw his chest; it wasn't moving.

The second witness said he saw Shtaywey badly beaten but still alive, and then later saw his dead body.

"They put him out in the hallway," the man said. "He was dead... The guards were touching and feeling him, and they said he had died."

Two witnesses, interviewed separately, described another death in custody of a Tawerghan resident in the basement of the Zaroug School, a makeshift detention facility in Misrata, on August 20 or 21. The facility has since been closed, the witnesses said. One witness said he saw the guards beat the man, and then saw the dead body. The other said he overheard the beating and then saw the dead body. Both witnesses said that the victim, Ashraf Salah Muhammad, in his early thirties, was mentally ill. He was beaten repeatedly in his cell to divulge a pass code to a walkie-talkie, both of the witnesses said. One of the witnesses said:

They started whipping him at 10 a.m. with a horse whip. It lasted forty-five minutes. He was dead by noon… They whipped him on his back and neck… Two guards put thick brown tape around his wrists and mouth. They asked him for the code of his walkie-talkie. That was their only question. He only said, "Have mercy on me. I will kiss your hands so you will leave me be." Over and over again. I don't know why they were asking him this. After they finished torturing him… we went to sleep because of the fasting in Ramadan. After an hour-and-a-half, we woke up and found that he had died. We touched his pulse and didn't feel anything. We knocked on the door and said that someone here had died. The guards covered him with a blanket and took him away. The guards didn't say anything to us about what happened. They just pulled him out and that was that.

Shootings

The harassment by Misrata brigades of Tawerghans includes shootings of unarmed men, sometimes in custody. In one case armed men from Misrata killed a displaced Tawerghan in the camp where he was taking shelter. In two other cases, Misrata brigade members shot Tawerghans in their custody and left them by the side of a deserted road.

Three witnesses told Human Rights Watch that a member of a Misrata brigade killed an unarmed man from Tawergha named Ihsam Omar Sa'ad in late September. They said that Sa'ad, a nurse at the Tawergha hospital, was shot once in the back and once in the leg at the military rest house in Hun, a facility being used as a camp for nearly 1,800 displaced Tawerghans.

One of the witnesses said he entered the camp with Ihsam as members of the al-Adiyat Brigades were separating the young male Tawerghans from the old men, women, and children:

[A Misrata fighter] came with his gun and told me to go back [into the courtyard where the other camp residents had been collected]. He was hitting us with the back of the Kalashnikov. He hit me in my chest. As we were going, one of the Misrata fighters fired two bullets - one hit Ihsam in the back and one in the leg. There were more shots. I looked back. He fell.

A cousin of Ihsam said he was also walking with Ihsam into the compound and saw the shooting. One of the bullets that hit Ihsam went through the jacket that the cousin had draped over his arm, he said. He showed Human Rights Watch the bullet hole in the jacket and the place in the compound where he said Ihsam was shot. The cousin said he attended Ihsam's burial the following day.

In mid-September a Misrata brigade apparently shot and wounded two unarmed cousins from Tawergha, who said they were in the hills gathering firewood a few kilometers from where they were staying in Lode. The men, interviewed separately, said that when they approached the road, six armed men stopped them and handcuffed them to each other. The fighters beat the cousins and asked whether they had fought as members of the Gaddafi forces, as soldiers or volunteers, and whether they had weapons. One of the cousins described how the fighters shot them and abandoned them by the side of the road:

They put us in the car and then changed their mind. They put us on our knees. One of the rebels kicked my cousin on his nose with his boot. One of them tried to point the gun at me, so I was running toward him so he wouldn't shoot at me. One of the guys said they should put us under the car and run us over. We were standing in a corner, and one of them had a 14.5mm pointed at us and the others with their Kalashnikovs pointed… My cousin was crying because his nose was broken, and I just surrendered. When I looked the other way, the first bullet hit my leg. Then they started shooting all over, and two bullets hit my side and one in my cousin's leg. They were telling us to extend our hands to take off the handcuffs. I could see the bone in my leg so I fainted... My cousin was awake, and they pulled me by my neck and pulled us to the edge of the road. I was wearing a gray t-shirt and shorts. My cousin had a red vest and a pair of trousers. They tore his shirt off.

They left us at the edge of the road, put a blanket over us and then started swearing, "You are dogs, hope you die." There was a farm nearby, so my cousin started pulling me so we could hide at the farm... My cousin said to hold on to his shoulders... But my wound was very bad, unlike him. I fell again. I said, "Just leave me, I am going to die." Everything went white. I couldn't see anything. I could just hear his voice but I couldn't understand what he was saying.

The cousin with the lighter bullet wounds said he was able to crawl to safety within 10 days, surviving off irrigation water from nearby farms. The other cousin said he was rescued after about two weeks, also surviving on farm water, at which point one of his wounds had been badly infected. Human Rights Watch interviewed this man while he was still in the hospital, as well as the doctor who was treating him. The bullet marks in the bodies of both men were consistent with their statements, and the medical records for the hospitalized man said he had been admitted to the hospital on October 3 for gunshot wounds.

In another case, Human Rights Watch interviewed a Tawerghan man who said that Misrata fighters opened fire on him and his friend, Abdel Majid Faraj Ali, while they were searching for firewood, hitting Ali in the back. The man said that he and Ali had fled Tawergha and taken refuge on a farm near Lode. On August 22 they went searching for firewood in the area. Near a highway, five unidentified men from Misrata in two pickup trucks stopped and ordered them to approach, the man said. Ali ran and the group of men fired AK-47 rifles in the air, forcing Ali to stop, the man said. The armed men then pulled a Tawerghan detainee who had been badly beaten from one of the trucks. The detainee said he knew Ali.

"Ali got afraid, and so did I," the man said. "We started to run among the date trees. They started yelling ‘slaves, slaves' and fired at us. They hit Abdel in the back and he fell." The man said he managed to get away despite the shooting and hid in a family farm. He did not know Ali's fate.

Prisoner Abuse

Human Rights Watch documented the abuse of Tawerghans and other detainees in the custody of militia fighters, both in Tripoli and in Misrata. Abuse included the use of electric shock and beatings, including beatings on the soles of the feet (falaga).

Misrata brigades single out Tawerghans to extract confessions, many victims and witnesses said. One Tawerghan detainee told Human Rights Watch that the first question Misratan captors ask is, "‘Where are you from?' When they say they are from Tawergha, the Misratan immediately asks, ‘Did you rape? Did you kill? Did you steal?'"

According to head counts that Human Rights Watch conducted during visits to four detention facilities in September and October in Misrata, civilian and military authorities in the city are holding well over 1,300 detainees. Tawerghans held in custody by brigades from other cities did not appear to be singled out for mistreatment.

In late September Human Rights Watch interviewed 50 prisoners in four Misrata prisons, including 22 Tawerghans and 10 non-Libyans. Human Rights Watch also interviewed three Tawerghans who had been released from detention. Human Rights Watch found evidence of mistreatment in three of the four facilities. None of the detainees alleged mistreatment in the Sadoun School facility since May, when the director of the facility, Sheikh Abdulhafith Abu Ghrain, fired those who had committed abuses, according to one detainee who said he had been subjected to electric shock there.

Human Rights Watch found Tawerghan detainees in all four of the detention facilities it visited. In two, Tawerghans constituted the majority of detainees. Most of the Tawerghan detainees reported beatings at the time of their capture, both in Tripoli and Misrata. Most reported beatings at both transitional detention facilities and the de facto prisons. Because of the possibility of reprisals against the detainees, Human Rights Watch is not providing their names.

One Tawerghan man said that in the Sikt detention facility near Misrata in August, members of the Murdaz Brigade from Misrata tried to force confessions of rape:

They wanted me to say I had raped. They ask most people from Tawergha to say that they had raped. They beat me. They used an electric stick on my back and my stomach… they did it over and over. And some of them beat us on our feet twice… They put me in a room by myself and asked me if I raped; I said no. They asked me where the orders came from in Tawergha. "Where were the weapons?" I said, "I am a civilian... I know nothing about the military." They told me to confess that I raped five people. I don't know why five people. They hung me with a pole between my legs and my arms. They beat me up. They used a whip for horses and told me to confess… That lasted five hours. They whipped me on my feet, my legs, my hands. There were lots of different people in civilian clothes. They were taking turns. The investigator was giving orders. After I was beaten, I passed out for five minutes. When I woke up they were standing over me, spitting and cursing at me, and saying, "We will send you back to Africa."

The man showed Human Rights Watch pronounced scars all over his body consistent with his account.

Another Tawerghan detainee described the nightly routine he said he endured at Sikt:

They beat me on my feet every night for 15 minutes, and some people hit my backside and my back. For four days I couldn't sit. They poured cold water on top of me, then took an electric stick and put it on my shoulders, back, and arms each night for ten minutes. It shook me. I can't describe it… They used an engine belt, a plastic hose, a wooden stick, a horse whip…. I had blood in my urine for four or five days.

The man showed Human Rights Watch scars on his body that were still red and protruding one month after the abuse.

Two Tawerghan detainees captured together on August 11, both with visible injuries two months later, said Misrata fighters broke their bones in Misrata. They said that their captors repeatedly hit them with heavy rubber cables and forced them to admit to rapes. A third man said interrogators applied electric shocks to his thighs during an interrogation on August 11, after he was found with weapons in his home in Tawergha.

Another Tawerghan detainee said his Misratan captors repeatedly beat him on the head until he passed out after he had been transferred from Tawergha on August 12 to an unknown location in Misrata. He said the men accused the people of Tawergha of rape, although they did not specifically charge him with wrongdoing. Interviewed in October, he showed Human Rights Watch welts on the top of his head that he said came from the beating.

Another Tawerghan detainee said Misrata fighters captured him in Zawiya, west of Tripoli, on September 20 and took him to a farm where his captors twice put him against the wall and fired bullets near his body as they told him to confess to killing three people in Misrata. He said his captors took him overnight by truck through Tripoli, where he was displayed briefly in Martyrs' Square while chained to the bed of the truck.

Several witnesses at one Misrata facility told Human Rights Watch that they saw guards whip one dark-skinned Tawerghan detainee while forcing him to run around a courtyard and then telling him to climb a pole while shouting, "Monkey needs a banana."

One Tawerghan detainee said that the Misrata fighters who captured him in Tripoli took him to a private building there and beat him with whips and rifle butts.

"I confessed to raping women because I thought that would get me released," he said. "But the beatings continued [in Misrata]." The man's captors said they would take him to "Hotel Jenat," [Hotel Hell] the man said, which is Misrata slang for the local cemetery. The man displayed fresh gashes on his face and arms, and blood was visible inside his mouth. During the interview, the man lost consciousness for about one minute.

While Human Rights Watch was interviewing detainees at the Wahda detention facility in Misrata around midnight on September 25, a group of guards forced four detainees, all of whom were injured, to run in the courtyard and to walk on their knees with their hands behind their heads. When the researcher confronted the guards about the mistreatment as it happened, one guard said: "We do this every day. It is sport before they go to bed. They committed rape."

Human Rights Watch spoke to witnesses who said that the guards had previously beaten other detainees. The supervisor of the prison, Ali Garman, claimed not to be aware that this abuse was taking place there every night, although he was present at the time the witnesses were forced to run and walk on their knees.

Sedik Bashir Bady, deputy head of the Misrata Council, told Human Rights Watch that the council has ordered prison guards and fighters to halt the mistreatment of prisoners, but that guards and fighters had ignored the demand.

"We have made it clear that there must be no abuses," he said. "They don't respect orders. They do what they want."

Omar el-Qayed, a member of the Misrata Military Council, told Human Rights Watch that top officers "do not give license" to abuse prisoners or other Tawerghan people. "But even on the battlefield, the revolutionaries are hard to control," he said.

Forced Displacement

The population of Tawergha, roughly 30,000 people, has fled to other parts of Libya. Most left as anti-Gaddafi forces approached the town in mid-August; at least 140 people who remained were forcibly expelled by members of a militia.

The largest known group took refuge in Jufra, a region 200 miles south of Sirte. In Hun, a town in Jufra, as of early October units of the Al Jazeera Brigade from eastern Libya were guarding about 4,000 displaced persons in three compounds, where the Tawerghans were free to come and go. The brigade had begun transferring some Tawerghan families voluntarily to Benghazi for their protection. On October 5, Human Rights Watch visited the three refugee compounds in Hun and spoke unimpeded with 22 displaced Tawerghans. By October 27, 2011, at least 5,000 Tawerghans had gone to Benghazi.

Al Jazeera Brigade officers told Human Rights Watch that members of brigades from Misrata have tried to enter the camps in Jufra with the intention of rounding up male Tawerghans.

"A few days ago, a Misrata group came to this gate and demanded to go in," one officer said on October 5. "I said no, and one of them shot at the ground at my feet. Everyone loaded up and the confrontation ended. But they might come back." The Misratans have come four times in two weeks demanding to come in, the officer added.

"Mainly they are looking for stray Tawerghans in the street," he said. "They're on a hunt." A committee of Tawerghans in one of the three facilities gave Human Rights Watch a list of more than 50 youths missing from the area over the previous month.

Displaced families in the Hun camps were in crowded, unsanitary conditions. Tawerghan authorities in the camp said that sewage water was leaking into the courtyard and that many of the children had diarrhea. Human Rights Watch noticed a putrid smell in the courtyard area. Men apparently did not have access to indoor toilets.

Tawerghan families told Human Rights Watch that they were running out of money. Although the local community helped them with food, they were buying many of their supplies at the local stores and cooking outside on fires. There were shortages of blankets, children's shoes, and clothes for the fall and winter. Tawerghan authorities in the camp said that a civilian truck from Misrata recently stocked the camp clinic with medications.

In other areas near Hun, Tawerghans had taken refuge in agricultural settlements and had refused invitations from the Al Jazeera Brigade to gather in Hun. Elsewhere they also had moved in with relatives or were living in makeshift camps, especially in Tripoli.

Many Tawerghans said they were reluctant to go outside in many parts of Libya for fear of capture and abuse by Misrata brigades. Misrata units in Tripoli and elsewhere have been rounding up Tawerghan men, frequently transferring them to Misrata.

On September 22, fighters from a Misrata brigade detained at least five members of the Tawergha Local Council, a body of 10 members that the NTC had recognized as representatives from Tawergha. They were released on October 2 or 3.

On September 30, Human Rights Watch visited Heisha, a cluster of rural settlements about 60 miles south of Misrata. Two groups of displaced Tawerghan families had taken refuge in an unfinished housing development and some abandoned farm houses. The first group of about 700 people said they had fled their homes on August 12, when the Misrata forces arrived. They took no part in the fighting, they said, and in fact had opposed Gaddafi. They said that pro-Gaddafi Tawerghans threatened to assault them when the war was over.

In interviews in Heisha, a group of six men said they moved first to Jufra, about 200 miles south of Sirte, on August 11, and then to Heisha, closer to their hometown, on September 26. Rebels at a nearby checkpoint have refused to let them pass either to Tawergha or beyond to Tripoli, they said.

Mohammed Idriss, a physician, said that on October 2, guards denied a woman soon to give birth passage for four hours until they relented and permitted her to continue to Misrata hospital.

"The rebels call us rats and say we will never go back," he told Human Rights Watch.

Three medical workers interviewed by Human Rights Watch said that the de facto director of the makeshift hospital between Sirte and Heisha, at a place known as Kilometer 50, told the staff to treat Misrata fighters ahead of everyone else, including ahead of "Tawerghans, people who are black, civilians from Sirte, Gaddafi soldiers, and women. Basically anyone not from Misrata."

In the nearby town of Heisha, three Tawerghan families of about 32 women and children had taken refuge in an abandoned farmhouse. They too said they had fled Tawergha on August 12 as forces from Misrata approached, but got no further than Heisha, where rebels arrested five of their men. The women did not know the men's whereabouts, and they have not been able to go back to Tawergha. They are being fed by a nearby family from the southern town of Sebha, they said.

Harassment in Misrata

The collective blame that militias are applying to the people of Tawergha includes Tawerghan residents of Misrata. These people say they dislike Gaddafi and supported the anti-Gaddafi revolt. Human Rights Watch interviewed four such Tawerghans. One said he had been fired from his state job, another that a teller forbade him from withdrawing money at a bank, and another said nurses denied her medical care at the hospital. In all cases the people were told this was because they were Tawerghans. The fourth said a band of armed men from Misrata ransacked his home and stole a camera. All of the men asked that their names not be used. They all said that Misratans had repeatedly told them that Tawerghans would not only be forbidden from returning to Tawergha, but also from staying in Misrata.

One of the Tawerghans, who said he has lived in Misrata for 20 years, said he supported the rebels as a volunteer by giving out food during the siege. On July 11, he arrived on payday at his place of work, which he did not want to identify, and a guard at the facility told him to "forget about it."

"We are going to eradicate Tawergha," he said the guard told him.

"I don't know who these people are and they don't know I was with the revolution," the man told Human Rights Watch. "They don't care. It is enough that I am Tawergha."

The man said he complained to the Misrata Security Committee, which instead of helping told him to surrender his government-provided car. The man said he returned home to find his car stolen.

Another Tawerghan resident of Misrata said she was rejected for treatment at Misrata's government-run hospital, where she went in August for a pregnancy checkup. Nurses told her: "We don't treat Tawarghans here." The woman approached a Libyan doctor friend who conducted an examination in her home. She said that when she has gone to a local market, Misrata people have insulted her and told her to leave town.

One elderly Tawerghan man who said he has lived in Misrata for 10 years, including during the fighting, said a teller denied him service at a bank unless he erased Tawergha from his identity card. He said the teller told him that Tawerghans were "traitors" who should not stay in Misrata.

Another Tawerghan from Misrata, a clothing store owner, said during the anti-Gaddafi revolt, he took part in street protests and helped carry ammunition for the rebels. In mid-July, a group of men in sedans and pickup trucks mounted with recoilless rifles pulled up to his home, he said, knocked on the door and demanded to conduct a search. He said as he opened the door, men leaped over a courtyard wall and entered the house, saying "No more Tawerghans." They overturned shelves and drawers and stole a camera and mobile phone, he said. The man complained to the Misrata Security Committee, but they have not investigated, he said.

Recommendations

Misrata's civil and military leaders should help promote justice for serious violations during the conflict and support the rule of law by:
Publicly condemning revenge attacks against Tawerghans and punishing those who harass or attack Tawerghans, or detain them without grounds;
Issuing strong and unambiguous orders to all military commanders and detention facility officials that physical or mental abuse at the time of arrest or during detention is strictly forbidden and will be punished appropriately, and that commanders will be held responsible;
Expediting efforts to bring the many military brigades and local militias in Misrata under a unified civilian command;
Clarifying who has the lawful authority to detain people and treating detentions by anyone else as a crime;
Transferring Tawerghan detainees out of Misrata to NTC-run facilities in Tripoli or Benghazi, where they are less vulnerable to abuse; and
Working to reestablish the criminal justice system, so those accused of having committed serious crimes can be lawfully investigated, prosecuted, and given in a fair trial.


10/28/2011

The murder brigades of Misrata

Libyan rebels secure prisoners in the back of a pick-up truck. The graffiti on the truck, in Arabic, reads, "Misrata steadfastness."

Πηγή: Salon
By Daniel Wlliams
Oct 28 2011

MISRATA, Libya — If anyone is surprised by the apparent killing of Moammar Gadhafi while in the custody of militia members from the town of Misrata, they shouldn’t be.

More than 100 militia brigades from Misrata have been operating outside of any official military and civilian command since Tripoli fell in August. Members of these militias have engaged in torture, pursued suspected enemies far and wide, detained them and shot them in detention, Human Rights Watch has found. Members of these brigades have stated that the entire displaced population of one town, Tawergha, which they believe largely supported Gadhafi avidly, cannot return home.

As the war in Libya comes to an end, the pressing need for accountability and reconciliation is clear. The actions of the Misrata brigades are a gauge of how difficult that will be, and Misrata is not alone in its call for vengeance. In the far west, anti-Gadhafi militias from the Nafusa Mountains have looted and burned homes and schools of tribes that supported the deposed dictator. Anti-Gadhafi militias from Zuwara have looted property as they demanded compensation for damage they suffered during the war.

The apparent execution of 53 pro-Gadhafi supporters in a hotel in Sirte apparently under control of Misrata fighters is a bad omen. It is up to the National Transitional Council to rein in all the militias and quickly establish a functioning justice system. The NTC should take control of the many makeshift detention facilities, expedite the return of displaced Libyans, and ensure the investigation, trial and punishment of wrongdoers acting in the name of vengeance. That includes Gadhafi’s killers if the evidence showed crimes were committed. The NTC, and its foreign backers, have comprehensively failed to start setting up a justice system — even in Benghazi, where they have been in charge since the spring.

Clearly the NTC is up against the passions of a nasty war. Misrata withstood a two-month siege at the hands of Gadhafi’s forces with near-daily indiscriminate attacks that killed about 1,000 of its citizens. The town’s main boulevard, Tripoli Street, is in ruins. Facades of public buildings and private homes collapsed from tank fire and are charred inside and out. The pockmarks of bullet holes disfigure construction everywhere.

The fierce fight for Misrata has left a penetrating bitter aftertaste. Misratans say they detest anyone who backed Gadhafi. They are not welcome in Misrata, even if the city and its environs was their home for generations.

The Misrata militia is focusing its greatest wrath on Tawergha, a town of about 30,000 people just south of the city. Both Misratans and Tawerghas say residents there were enthusiastic Gadhafi supporters. Hundreds of erstwhile civilians in that town took up arms to fight for him. Misratans say Tawergha volunteers committed rapes and pillaged with gusto, though Misrata officials decline to produce evidence of the alleged rapes, saying family shame inhibits witnesses and victims from coming forward.

In any event, Misratan militia members are venting their anger on all Tawerghas, who are largely descendants of African slaves. Most fled their town as Misratan fighters advanced there between Aug. 10 and Aug. 12.

Witnesses and victims we interviewed provided credible accounts of Misratan militias shooting and wounding unarmed Tawerghas and torturing detainees, in a few cases to death. In Hun, about 250 miles south of Misrata, militias from Benghazi have taken it upon themselves to protect about 4,000 refugees. They say Misratans are hunting down Tawerghas.

One hospitalized Tawergha told Human Rights Watch how he was shot in the side and leg and abandoned to die near Hun: “They left us at the edge of the road, put a blanket over us and then started swearing, ‘You are dogs, hope you die.’”

Misrata militias, with the momentary compliance of local officials, insist that no Tawerghas should return to the area. Ibrahim Yusuf bin Ghashir, a representative of the NTC, said: “We think it would be better to relocate them somewhere else.” The allegations of rape, he added, “cannot be forgiven and it would be better to resettle them far away.”This unforgiving campaign is not limited to Tawerghas. Many Misratans say that any tribe or group that supported Gadhafi — thousands of people — should not return to the city. The graffiti on tumble-down town walls express Misratans’ view: “(Expletive) No returnees.”

Human Rights Watch has interviewed refugees from Misrata who tried to return and were forbidden to enter the city without a permit from the local council. A Misrata militia member told the media that all pro-Gadhafi travelers are barred from the city.

As painful as the losses have been for Misrata and the rest of Libya, everyone who fought Gadhafi should remember what they were fighting for: an end to torture, to arbitrary detention, to pitting one tribe against another; for respect and equality among neighbors. Otherwise, the agony that preceded victory will breed vengeance, rancor and a divided new Libya — one that in disturbing ways may resemble the old.


10/24/2011

Tensions, Suspicions Divide Libya After Gaddafi

In this Sept. 25, 2011 photo, a boy plays with a pre-Gadhafi flag next to destroyed computers in the Tareq Bin Zeyad school, allegedly attacked by revolutionary forces taking revenge, at Al-Shegaiga village, 160 Km south of Tripoli, Libya. Libyan villagers in the western mountains accused of being Gadhafi loyalists say they are being punished by rogue revolutionary forces trying to terrorize the residents, raided their homes and schools and stole private property

Πηγή: Common Dreams
By Simba Russeau
Oct 24 2011

CAIRO - The long-time dictator who ruled Libya for nearly four decades with an iron fist may be gone, but racial hatred surfaces increasingly now by the day.

Libyans now set their sights on building a viable democracy, drafting a new constitution and organising the country’s first free parliamentary and presidential elections.

However, since the toppling of Gaddafi’s 42-year regime, the country’s interim leaders of the National Transitional Council (NTC) have struggled to find a common voice.

This reality was echoed by acting prime minister Mahmoud Jibril, during an announcement Oct. 22 that he was stepping down, where he acknowledged that with their common enemy disposed of, unity remained a key challenge for Libyans going forward.

"Removing weapons from the streets, establishing law and order and uniting the disparate factions of the NTC are the main priorities following Gaddafi’s death," he said in a statement to the press at the World Economic Forum’s annual regional meeting in Jordan.

With more than 140 tribes and clans, Libya is considered one of the most tribally fragmented nations in the Arab world. Despite modernisation, tribalism remains a prominent force in a country now awash with weaponry.

In the aftermath of Gaddafi’s reign, nearly 40 different independent militias that reportedly emerged during the rebellion remain at large.

Raising questions as to whether the NTC has the ability to rein in all the various groups, many of which have competing interests and look to settling scores from the past.

For Libyans from the far south this daunting picture has already become a reality. Tawergha - which lies some 40 miles south of Misurata along the western coast of the Gulf of Sirte - was home to an estimated population of over 20,000 people. Now it’s become a ghost town.

According to some Libyans, the name Tawergha was given to the town’s black population because they had dark-skinned features like the original Tuareg.

The Tuaregs, who inhabit the border area of Libya, Chad, Niger and Algeria, were historically nomads that controlled trans-Saharan trade routes and had a reputation for being robbers.

During the seventies, Gaddafi assembled the Tuaregs and other African recruits into his elite battalion known as the Al-Asmar. Al-Asmar means ‘The Black’ in Arabic.

Under Gaddafi’s supervision, these militias were often sent on military expeditions into neighbouring countries. At the onset of the country’s revolt in February of this year, many Tuaregs were unleashed on protestors.

As a result, racial hatred fuelled by unconfirmed rumours that African mercenaries had been hired by Gaddafi to squash discontent created another common enemy - dark-skinned Africans.

In the eyes of Misuratans, Tawerghans were the perpetrators of some of the worst human rights abuses during Gaddafi’s siege on Misurata in March and April.

On Aug. 15, in what human rights groups are calling reprisal attacks, rebel forces going by the name of ‘The Brigade for Purging Slaves, Black Skin’ have reportedly detained and displaced hundreds, while other Tawerghans have disappeared without a trace.

"If we go back to Tawergha, we will then be at the mercy of the Misurata rebels," a woman, who has been living in a makeshift camp with her husband and five children, told UK-based Amnesty International.

"When the rebels entered our town in mid-August and shelled it, we fled just carrying the clothes on our backs. I don't know what happened to our homes and belongings. Now I am here in this camp, my son is ill and I am too afraid to go to the hospital in town. I don't know what will happen to us now."

Also caught up in the crossfire of vengeance are economic migrants, refugees and asylum-seekers from sub-Saharan Africa. Many of them have sought refuge in neighbouring Tunisia or Egypt.

For some, Libya was a transit country, but for others it had become a place of rebuilding.

"Fearing for their life, my parents who are from Al-Fasher city in Darfur fled to Tripoli in 1998. I had never lived outside Libya before the conflict started. My father worked as a cook and my mother was domestic worker. Before fleeing I was in my third year of university pursuing a degree in the medical field," 20-year old Eiman told IPS.

"Unfortunately the uprising in Libya took a bloody turn because people no longer respected the law and started raping women, taking hostages and killing people. For two months my family remained trapped in our house.

"They were accusing and killing all black males caught on the street of being mercenaries, which meant that our mother had to try and gather food but there were many days that we starved."

In an article last month, the Wall Street Journal quoted Jibril as saying, "regarding Tawergha, my own viewpoint is that nobody has the right to interfere in this matter except the people of Misurata. This matter can't be tackled through theories and textbook examples of national reconciliation like those in South Africa, Ireland and Eastern Europe."

Calls by human rights groups urging the NTC to protect black Libyans in the newly liberated Libya seems to have fallen on deaf ears, and this could set a precedent for what is to come.


9/26/2011

Pregnant U.S. woman found in Libyan mosque as Sirte battle rages

An American woman and her Libyan husband were found seeking refuge in a mosque right on the frontline in Muammar Qaddafi’s hometown of Sirte


Πηγή: Al Arabiya News
By AFP Sirte
Sep. 26 2011


She’s an American who grew up in Illinois, she’s three months pregnant, and she’s not quite sure how she and her Libyan husband got to be holed up in a mosque right on the frontline in Muammar Qaddafi’s hometown of Sirte.

“I just want to get out of here, it’s dangerous,” she said Sunday, as NATO warplanes bombed the city a day after fighters for the country’s new regime engaged in deadly street battles with troops loyal to the ousted dictator.

The street fights continued on the eastern edge of the city, but fighters withdrew on the western side to a bridge just a hundred meters (yards) from the mosque compound.

It was there that the U.S. woman and around 150 others sought refuge.

The woman, who gave her name but asked for it not to be published, said the group had left the town of Tawarga − where she was living with her husband and three children − back in March to escape NATO bombing.

The residents of Tawarga are accused by the people of nearby Misrata of having played a major role in the months-long siege that city suffered. Misrata held off Qaddafi’s forces, but at the cost of 1,400 lives.

As fighters loyal to the National Transitional Council (NTC) advanced towards Sirte in the late summer, those still left in Tawarga fled.

Many Misratans say they will never let their neighbours return, blaming them for a wave of killings and rapes.

Tawarga had the distinction of being the only town on the Libyan coast where most of the inhabitants were as dark-skinned as sub-Saharan Africans.

It is now a ghost town, its 25,000 residents dispersed around the country, fearful of revenge attacks by fighters of the NTC, which now controls the whole country except for Sirte and Bani Walid.

In the Imam Malik mosque on the edge of Sirte, the U.S. woman was one of the few fair-skinned people in the group that has been hiding there for a week after spending months inside the city.

The men sleep and socialize in the mosque itself while the women and children live packed into a small one-story building in the compound.

The American said her father was a Libyan and that she had met her husband while he was working as a laborer in the United States. They decided to move to Libya and settled in his hometown, Tawarga.

When they fled their home they took only a few possessions with them, even leaving their U.S. passports behind them in their haste to escape.

They now have only a slim chance of retrieving them as many of the houses in Tawarga have been looted, and it could be dangerous for them to try and return there.

The woman appeared to know little about what has been happening in Libya since the anti-Qaddafi uprising began in February. She was skeptical when told that the NTC was now in power in the capital Tripoli.

The fighters − all from Misrata − manning the frontline nearby bring them food and water, and the ambulances that park under the bridge, waiting to ferry those wounded in battle to field hospitals, give them medical aid.

“The thwar (fighters) treat us well,” she said.

She and her husband said they wanted to go and stay with relatives in the south of Libya but did not know how they would get there as they have no transport.

Ultimately they plan to reach the United States and wait there until things settle down in Libya before returning one day to Tawarga.

“When we have peace and quiet we will come back,” she said.


9/21/2011

Libya: 'The Fall and Purge of Tawergha'



Πηγή: libyancivilwar
Sep. 18 2011


The City

Tawergha (Arabic: تاورغاء)‎ lies about 30-40 miles south of Misrata/Misurata, along the western coast of the Gulf of Sirte. Its population is unclear (10,000?) and recently changed (to zero?). From the Wikipedia entry (which uses a different and common spelling - "Taworgha" - and the Arabic cited), it's a town that's occupied by an unstated number of people of unknown type. [1] A Euronews dispatch filming a clash there in May called it a "no man's land" between rebel and loyalist areas. [2]

Wiki says its name means "the green island" in Berber." [1] But another source, the rebel outreach site Free Misurata says rather "the name of Taworgha was used by Misrataies to describe the black population in that area, because of the dark skin they have just like the real ancient Tuareg." [3] Indeed, it's inhabited mostly by black-skinned people originally from further south, apparently a remnant of the slave trade, a significant factor considering known anti-black sentiments in the rebel camp. As they explain:

The origin of this black population in North Africa gos back to the roman empire days , when the slavery trade was a good businesses by bringing the blacks from meddle Africa to export them from Misratah port ( was known as Kayvalai Bromentoriom )* to old Rome.

The sick who can not make it to the port and the long trip by ship was left behind at that spot, which is known for its swamps and jungles ( Libya was called the “Bread Basket of Europe”, because of the moderate climate and fertility of soil during the Roman time, and was one of the main exporters of grains to Rome ) [3]
Otherwise, the Wikipedia entry desribed Tawergha as "a city in Libya that followed the public administrative jurisdiction of the city of Misrata [...] during the rule of Muammar Gaddafi." It also noted that "control of Taworgha helped the Romans coordinate control of Libya." [1] By this, Tawergha is strategically important, and that's basically part of Misrata/Misurata anyway, fit to be done with as the people in charge there like.

Misrata - the nation's third largest city and a major regional port - had been under at least partial rebel control since February. But loyalist elements hung on in and around the city, putting it famously under a state of deadly prolonged siege. Some of this came from the black "Taureg" town that also served as a "green island" of government support.

The Preludes / Priming the Hate Machine

Now, there is a danger in examining this of placing too much emphasis on race. The tactical threat alone is cited, and does seem compelling. But racism emerges, time and again, in unsettlingly blatant ways. Free Misurata explains the back-story of how the black Tawerghans became a wicked race (again, [sic] implied throughout. It's perfectly readable):

... Gaddafi started to give them power by using them as personal body guards and brain wash them so they over estimated them selves ,their resources and abilities. [...] because Gaddafi just used them and never improved their live style, there was always some kind of jealousy when they compare them selves to prospers Misratah. [3]Patronizing suspected jealousy is nothing new for lynch mob types. As Misratan rebels see it, this envy, the regime brainwashing, and whatever other factors led to a fall from grace by their neighbors. This was testified to repeated rocket attacks from their hamlet, occasional raids into the city with their black troops featured, sometimes re-taking portions of Misrata in bloody battles. This is to be expected as the government tried to restore order, but as it was remembered anyway, the Tawerghans' actions stepped far beyond the norm. Again, Free Misurata:

When Gaddafi asked them to attack Misratah……they did what evil is ashamed to do. [...] When Gaddafi forces entered Misratah from the eastern part with the help of residents of Taworgha , whom are of a black descent, they made what evil is ashamed to do, killing, loathing, rape, and destroying the homes by bulldozers.

After they entered the eastern part of Misratah they have forced the families to flee eastward but not to westward, because they want to use them as a human shield.

”Taworgha stabbed Misratah in the back”It might seem understandable to many - you can't leave crimes like that unanswered. The systematic mass rape aspect in particular is frequently called on, supported by various evidence like alleged cell phone footgae seized from Gaddafi troops. But the only evidence shared with the outside world was the clearly coerced verification of two young captives taken, apparently, on one of their raids on Tawergha.

It was in late May this was broadcast by the BBC, from prisoners still wearing "the same filthy, bloodstained army fatigues they were captured in two weeks ago." [4] Amnesty international's team spoke with both of these kids and found their stories inconsistent and unreliable, so probably coached by their captors. [5] Going out of one's way to create a myth that will enrage the fighters in advance and encourage war crimes, if that's what happened here, is highly unethical to say the least.

The Misratans also suspected the invaders from the south had help from within their walls, and their revenge started close to home. A neighborhood was purged, as the Wall Street Journal reported

Before the siege, nearly four-fifths of residents of Misrata's Ghoushi neighborhood were Tawergha natives. Now they are gone or in hiding, fearing revenge attacks by Misratans, amid reports of bounties for their capture. [6]In early-to-mid-May, they started making public vows against Tawergha itself. Sam Dagher reported for the Wall Street Journal, in a now-famous and rare article, how regional rebel Commander Ibrahim al-Halbous eerily said that "Tawergha no longer exists. There is only Misrata," while encouraging the residents who oppose them to all leave. With less authority but greater menace Dagher noted some rebel graffiti left out on the road to Tawergha - "brigade for purging slaves, black skin." [6]


A mid-May discussion between rebel fighters and tribal elders was filmed in the desert, posted later by VSMRK. Elderly black men in traditional garb listened with worry and muted disgust as young Arab thugs in baseball caps explained things [in Arabic of course, so I can't follow], with hand gestures of leveling and totality indicating that Halbus' prescription was for real. At the end, an ominous dust storm blew in and the video stopped. [7]

Would they help the people "liberate themselves," or purge the whole town? A bad sign was the NATO bombings of reported Gaddafi sites around Tawergha in the following weeks, likely phoned in by Misrata rebels. In late June one strike at least killed many civilians in the usual unconfirmed way. According to some reports, sixteen were killed, including a whole family, when a NATO bomb hit the public market. Video shared there shows at least one baby was among the dead. [8]

But still the question of the town's continued life was allowed to hover through July and beyond, as Misrata both absorbed and dished out more attacks.