Showing posts with label Lbya. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Lbya. Show all posts

10/26/2011

NTC's atrocities in Libya grow


The Libyan rebels have been meting out brutal treatment to sub-Saharan Africans in Tripoli, suspecting that they are Gaddafi loyalists


While the deceased Gaddafi was the favorite target accused for brutality and cruelty it now seems that all this fits to the other side as well. Apart of his own death, - brutal abused and even sodomized – and his son’s summary execution, both breaching the International law and Geneva convention, new reports indicate the deliberate executions that took place in Sirte.

Sirte after two months of bombing by NATO forces, being cut off electricity and water, while a grave humanitarian crisis broke in the overloaded hospital, surrounded by tanks, heavy artillery, rebels who fired rocket propelled grenades, suffered the same afflictions that allegedly would happen to Benghazi if Gaddafi was allowed by the International Community to besiege it. While the number of the killed civilians remains unknown there are reports indicating massive executions of prisoners of war that took place after the city’s fall mounting the atrocities already reported.

CBS reports that nearly 300 bodies many of them with their hands tied behind their backs and shot in the head, have been collected from across Sirte and buried in a mass grave.




Human Rights Watch pointing to evidence of atrocities committed against 53 captured Gaddafi supporters who were found in the grounds of an abandoned hotel in Sirte, some bound and shot in the head. Aljazeera reports:



Ali Tarhouni, the oil minister vindicated this acts stating that "You have to bear in mind that these young man have seen their friends killed in front of them, who saw their cities burned, who saw their sisters raped. I am amazed at their self-restraint". Mustafa Abdul Jalil, the head of the NTC, still held to the initial explanation given that Gaddafi may have been killed in crossfire. NTC pushed by the International Community said that will start an investigation about Gaddafi’s death while buried his body to an undisclosed location at dawn on Tuesday in unsigned grave, fearing that it could be turned to a shrine or brutalized. The doctor that examined the body reported that the cause of death was a head shot and a sample of DNA was sent to the ICC. Naturally, a proper autopsy could reveal massive evidence about the abuses but for this to happen the body should be exhumed. On the other hand, if there is to be a cover up his body will soon disappear. It is clear that NTC as the new recognized government of Libya bare the whole responsibility for this or any other committed war crime as much as Gaddafi for his loyalists. But the investigations that NTC supposedly have conducted on Yunnis assassination led to nowhere and the incident will probably sink into the memory hole.

While the discover of the mass grave in Abu-Salim prison a month ago is now silenced - maybe as a consequence of CNN reporting a team that was brought to the muddy field with other news outlets found only what appeared to be animal bones and the Liberation’s report (1:33) that only camel bones were found –  it is quite clear that the war was not based on a real political ground as it was portrayed by the rebel’s government and the Western allies, but it was a cold, brutal, civil one.

The R2P application by the UN to Libya intensified the conflict, building a full scale war and subsequently maximized the victims, atrocities and destruction. If Libyans in the future will overcome the hatred and the divisions and finally become a happy democratic society remains to be seen.



10/05/2011

Libya denies knowledge of Heritage Oil acquisition of Benghazi services company

Murky: Libya's NOC chairman has warned Heritage Oil that that any accord for the transfer of licenses to Heritage would be "null and void" as such a move first requires NOC approval


Πηγή: Malta Today
By KARL STAGNO-NAVARRA
Oct 4 2011


The head of Libya's National Oil Company has denounced UK oil firm Heritage Oil over its announcement this morning that it had ‘acquired’ 51% in a Benghazi-based oil services firm.

NOC chairman Nuri Berruien said that he “has not” been approached by Heritage Oil over the acquisition of the controlling interest on Sahara Oil Services (SOSH) which holds long term permits and licenses to provide oil field services in Libya, for US$19.5 million in cash.

Speaking to Dow Jones Newswires, Nuri Berruien said that any accord for the transfer of licenses to Heritage would be "null and void" as such a move first requires NOC approval.

It wasn't clear if Berruien was exclusively referring to licenses to explore and produce oil and gas, or for all licenses to operate in Libya.

A Heritage spokesman stressed that the deal with Sahara was for the provision of oil field services, not exploration and production licenses, which he said Heritage would still have to bid for.

Earlier today Heritage Oil– which holds a joint production agreement with the Maltese government since 2007 - said that today’s acquisition "will help to speed up its drilling programme in Malta."

“Heritage plans to use SOS to assist with the drilling of its targets offshore Malta and is actively looking to contract a rig to bring forward the drilling of Area 7," the spokesman said.

Heritage established a base in Benghazi this year and has been dealing with senior members of the National Transitional Council, the company said.

It is unclear however, what has changed since the revolution, since Heritage Oil’s operations offshore Malta were threatened by Col. Gaddafithrough a formal request to ‘cease and desist’.

In a letter sent to Heritage Oil in 2008, Gaddafi’s former oil minister ShokriGhanem had warned the company that Area 7 was in Libya’s territory.

Heritage Oil have so far not said what has changed since, and whether the NTC was now renouncing sovreignity over Area 7.

Last month, MaltaToday reported that Heritage Oil was ‘scouting’ Libya amid the revolution that ousted Col. Gaddafi’s 42 year rule, and was seeking lucrative security contracts. However, the spokesman denied the report.

Richard Griffith, analyst at Evolution Securities, said the move "could prove to be a very shrewd investment" by the company.

Heritage Oil shares, however, were down 2.9 percent at 217.8 pence in early trading on the London Stock Exchange.

The company's CEO Tony Buckingham said they are "well placed to play a significant role in the future oil and gas industry in Libya."

"This acquisition is consistent with Heritage's first mover strategy of entering regions with vast hydrocarbon wealth where we have a strategic advantage," Buckingham said.

Besides Malta, Heritage has exploration projects in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Pakistan, Tanzania and Mali, and a producing property in Russia.


9/07/2011

Islamist Neocons? The West's latest tactic in the war on terrorism



Πηγή: Antiwar
By Justin Raimondo
September 07, 2011


The effort to paint the Libyan rebels as freedom-loving democrats is visibly faltering, especially in view of the rise of Abdelhakim Belhaj, alias Abu Abdullah al-Sadiq, as the top military commander in Tripoli.

Belhaj’s biography is interesting, to say the least: the founder of the Libyan Islamic Fighting Group (LIFG), he traveled to Afghanistan in the 1980s, where he met Osama bin Laden and fought against the Soviet-backed regime. After the war, he eventually returned to Libya, where he founded the LIFG and took the nom-de-guerre Abu Abdullah al-Sadiq. An Islamist revolt in Eastern Libya, led by the LIFG, was defeated by Gadhafi in 1996, and Belhaj fled the country for his old stomping grounds in Afghanistan.

He was welcomed by the Taliban and al Qaeda, where he was especially close to Mullah Omar. LIFG set up two training camps in Afghanistan, one of which was headed up by Abu Yahya, now Al Qaeda’s top ideologue, also a Libyan national. After the 9/11 terrorist attacks, the LIFG was listed as an Official Terrorist Group and Belhaj was targeted by the US.

The CIA traced him to Malaysia, in 2004, and he was arrested at Kuala Lumpur airport. They shipped him to Bangkok, where he was held in a secret CIA prison, “renditioned” back to Libya, and jailed by the Gadhafi regime, where he says he was tortured. Freed after a seven-year stint in the hoosegow – due to the efforts of Gadhafi’s son, Saif – Belhaj underwent a “deradicalization” conversion – I’m sure the torture helped – and renounced “extremism.” As the Guardian reports:

“The British government encouraged and helped publicize the Libyan ‘deradicalisation’ effort, modelled on what was being done with former jihadis in Egypt. In a program overseen by Gaddafi’s son Saif al-Islam, the LIFG produced a 400-page theological document entitled Corrective Studies explaining its renunciation of violence. Ironically, in an al-Jazeera film in March, Belhaj praised the mediation of Saif al-Islam for his release. Gaddafi’s son said that the men who had been freed ‘were no longer a danger to society.’”

The British investment in “deradicalization” paid off when Belhaj and his associates in the ex-LIFG formed their “Islamic Movement for Change” and called for NATO to intervene on the rebels’ behalf. Soon after the assassination by Islamists of the rebels’ top military commander, Abdul Fatah Younes – a former Interior Minister in Gadhafi’s government who defected to the rebel camp amidst much ballyhoo – Belhaj was made chief of the Tripoli Military Council, the Libyan rebels’ equivalent of the Pentagon, and given the official imprimatur of Western elites. As the Guardian notes, citing jihadi “expert” Noman Benotman:

“The experiences of the LIFG leaders in armed conflicts in Afghanistan, Libya and Algeria have forced them to mature politically, recalculate strategically, moderate behaviorally, modify their ideological beliefs.”

Modified them to allow for NATO intervention on behalf of an emerging Islamist emirate, lorded over by “Emir” Belhaj?

Benotman, himself a former LIFG fighter, now works for the Quilliam Foundation, which is described by the Guardian as “a UK government-funded counter-radicalization think tank in London.” The Quilliamites are the institutional expression of the West’s latest grand strategy in the endless “war on terrorism,” a campaign of ideological warfare aiming to split the Islamist movement into pro- and-anti Western factions. The Libyan intervention is the culmination of this co-optation strategy.

The Foundation is named after William “Abdullah” Quilliam, a British solicitor of radical political opinions who converted to Islam, in 1882, on a trip to North Africa, and returned to London to found a uniquely British variant of his adopted religion. With a small group of British converts around him, he founded a mosque, a Muslim college, and wrote several books, claiming Queen Victoria (who ordered five copies ofThe Faith of Islam) among his readers. The Victorian equivalent of the EDL, however, apparently made life difficult for Quilliam and his group, and “Abdullah,” as he was now known, made off for Turkey, where he was designated the “Sheikh of Britain.”

This is where the trail gets murky, but it seems Quilliam returned to Britain in 1914, under an assumed name, “Prof. Henri Marcel Leon,” where he continued his activities on behalf of Islam. An alternate story is that he stayed abroad until just before his death in 1932.

The same murky dodginess permeates the activities of the Foundation that bears his name. Funded by the British government, and now simply called “Quilliam,” the organization deploys its “experts” – ex-jihadis of one sort or another – whenever some event requires a pro-government “spin.” It is a replication of the CIA’s orientation during the cold war, when a cadre of ex-radicals was recruited to do Washington’s bidding in the fight against Communism. By aligning with anti-Communist socialists, particularly ex-Trotskyists whose “Stalinophobia” had become an obsession, the CIA funded and helped organize the Congress for Cultural Freedom, which included such luminaries as Irving Kristol, Stephen Spender, and James Burnham. By mobilizing socialists in their anti-Communist crusade, the geniuses over at the CIA hoped to split the left-wing movement internationally and undermine Soviet support. This tactic was deemed especially crucial in Europe, where pro-Moscow Communist parties controlled the labor movement and had gained new prestige as leaders of the anti-Nazi Resistance. There the CIA deployed followers of Jay Lovestone, the former American Communist party leader, who had formed his own ostensibly communist party in the US and later developed extensive ties with US government agencies on the trail of the Reds.

The Quilliamites are, in short, the Islamist equivalent of neoconservatives – those migrants into the conservative movement from the left who later went on to become the loudest and most bloodthirsty advocates of an all-out war against the Soviet Union.

That the Quilliamite strategy has its uses as an instrument of Western foreign policy is underscored by the “success” of the Libyan operation, which funneled money, arms, and most importantly militarily experienced Islamist cadre into Libya to commandeer the rebel movement. The assassination of the former rebel commander-in-chief, and, in effect, an Islamist coup d’etat inside the rebel camp, was the logical outcome of this policy.

If you’ve been baffled by the installation of an Islamist regime in Libya by force of NATO arms – well, now you know. We’re aiding one wing of the Islamist movement in order to fight the “extremist’ wing, on the theory that we can domesticate these tigers and turn them into tabby cats.

If ever a policy was destined to provoke blowback of the worst and deadliest sort, then this is certainly it. The unintended consequences of building up an Islamist movement, not only in Libya but throughout the Middle East, are too obvious to require much explanation. Suffice to say here that the citizens of the newly-minted Libyan “emirate” – forced to live and suffer under a regime of imposed Sharia law – will pay the price of our “strategic” cleverness. So much for the myth that the West is “exporting democracy” throughout the world. What is being exported here is a cadre of Western proxies, whose role as servitors of Washington, London, and Paris is clothed in the religious robes of Quilliamite Islam.

One fully expects a repetition of this ploy in Egypt, and throughout the Muslim world. As the anniversary of the 9/11 attacks approaches, one thing is clear: we in the West have learned nothing about how to avoid the unintended consequences of our interventionist policies.

NOTES IN THE MARGIN

I want to thank everyone who contributed to the success of our summer fundraising drive – including the Federal Bureau of Investigation, whose ridiculous “investigation”of Antiwar.com, myself, and webmaster Eric Garris was exposed during the drive and contributed greatly to its success.

Every fundraiser provokes waves of anxiety in me, which only get stronger as the days and weeks progress: but this time, with the economy tanking so dramatically, I was especially petrified at the prospect of having to ask my already impoverished readers for money. Miraculously, however, I was rescued from the Vale of Depression when a blogger published a secret internal FBI memo online, released through the Freedom of Information Act, that deemed us “a threat to National Security” and in all likelihood “agents of a foreign power” The outcry was immediate and our readers and supporters rallied ‘round Antiwar.com: a trickle of donations became a torrent.

As one wag put it: “Who says government intervention is always a bad thing?” Well, I’d rather not be the subject of an FBI witch-hunt investigation, but then again sometimes good things come out of the worst travails.

We are pursuing this matter further, and I’ll let you know when there are new developments. Although the FOIA documents are highly redacted, the rationale for and extent of the FBI’s inquiry is highly ominous, and I look forward to learning more about the criminal activities of professional sneaks and provocateurs as they tried (and, no doubt, continue to try) to bring down the best foreign-policy oriented web site on the Internet.


9/05/2011

Libyans Turn Wrath on Dark-Skinned Migrants

Prisoners from sub-Saharan countries being held in a cell at a police station in Tripoli, Libya


Πηγή: New York Times
By DAVID D. KIRKPATRICK
September 4 2011


TRIPOLI, Libya — As rebel leaders pleaded with their fighters to avoid taking revenge against “brother Libyans,” many rebels were turning their wrath against migrants from sub-Saharan Africa, imprisoning hundreds for the crime of fighting as “mercenaries” for Col. Muammar el-Qaddafi without any evidence except the color of their skin.

Many witnesses have said that when Colonel Qaddafi first lost control of Tripoli in the earliest days of the revolt, experienced units of dark-skinned fighters apparently from other African countries arrived in the city to help subdue it again. Since Western journalists began arriving in the city a few days later, however, they have found no evidence of such foreign mercenaries.

Still, in a country with a long history of racist violence, it has become an article of faith among supporters of the Libyan rebels that African mercenaries pervaded the loyalists’ ranks. And since Colonel Qaddafi’s fall from power, the hunting down of people suspected of being mercenaries has become a major preoccupation.

Human rights advocates say the rebels’ scapegoating of blacks here follows a similar campaign that ultimately included lynchings after rebels took control of the eastern city of Benghazi more than six months ago. The recent roundup of Africans, though, comes at a delicate moment when the new provisional government is trying to establish its credibility. Its treatment of the detainees is emerging as a pivotal test of both the provisional government’s commitment to the rule of law and its ability to control its thousands of loosely organized fighters. And it is also hoping to entice back the thousands of foreign workers needed to help Libya rebuild.

Many Tripoli residents — including some local rebel leaders — now often use the Arabic word for “mercenaries” or “foreign fighters” as a catchall term to refer to any member of the city’s large underclass of African migrant workers. Makeshift rebel jails around the city have been holding African migrants segregated in fetid, sweltering pens for as long as two weeks on charges that their captors often acknowledge to be little more than suspicion. The migrants far outnumber Libyan prisoners, in part because rebels say they have allowed many Libyan Qaddafi supporters to return to their homes if they are willing to surrender their weapons.

The detentions reflect “a deep-seated racism and anti-African sentiment in Libyan society,” said Peter Bouckaert, a researcher with Human Rights Watch who visited several jails. “It is very clear to us that most of those detained were not soldiers and have never held a gun in their life.”

In a dimly lighted concrete hangar housing about 300 glassy-eyed, dark-skinned captives in one neighborhood, several said they were as young as 16. In a reopened police station nearby, rebels were holding Mohamed Amidu Suleiman, a 62-year-old migrant from Niger, on allegations of witchcraft. To back up the charges, they produced a long loop of beads they said they had found in his possession.

He was held in a segregated cell with about 20 other prisoners, all African migrants but one. “We have no water in the bathroom!” one prisoner shouted to a guard. “Neither do we!” the guard replied. Most of the city has been without running water to bathe, flush toilets or wash clothes since a breakdown in the water delivery system around the time that Colonel Qaddafi fled. But the stench, and fear, of the migrants was so acute that guards handed visitors hospital masks before they entered their cell.

Outside the migrants’ cage, a similar number of Libyan prisoners occupy a less crowded network of rooms. Osama el-Zawi, 40, a former customs officer in charge of the jail, said his officers had allowed most of the Libyan Qaddafi supporters from the area to go home. “We all know each other,” he said. “They don’t pose any kind of threat to us now. They are ashamed to go out in the streets.”

But the “foreign fighters,” he said, were more dangerous. “Most of them deny they were doing it,” he said, “but we found some of them with weapons.”

A guard chimed in: “If we release the mercenaries, the people in the street will hurt them.”

In the crowded prison hangar, in the Tajura neighborhood, the rebel commander Abdou Shafi Hassan, 34, said they were holding only a few dozen Libyans — local informers and prisoners of war — but kept hundreds of Africans in the segregated pen. On a recent evening, the Libyan captives could be seen rolling up mats after evening prayers in an outdoor courtyard just a short distance from where the Africans lay on the concrete floor in the dark.

Several said they had been picked up walking in the streets or in their homes, without weapons, and some said they were dark-skinned Libyans from the country’s southern region. “We don’t know why we are here,” said Abdel Karim Mohamed, 29.

A guard — El Araby Abu el-Meida, a 35-year-old mechanical engineer before he took up arms in the rebellion — almost seemed to apologize for the conditions. “We are all civilians, and we don’t have experience running prisons,” he said.

Most of the prisoners were migrant farm workers, he said. “I have a Sudanese worker on my farm and I would not catch him,” he said, adding that if an expected “investigator” concluded that the other black prisoners were not mercenaries they would be released.

In recent days, the provisional government has started the effort to centralize the processing and detention of prisoners. Abdel Hakim Belhaj, the leader of the Tripoli military council, said that as recently as Wednesday he had extended his protection to a group of 10 African workers who had come to his headquarters seeking refuge.

“We don’t agree with arresting people just because they’re black,” he said. “We understand the problem, but we’re still in a battle area.”

Mohamed Benrasali, a member of the provisional government’s Tripoli stabilization team, acknowledged the problem but said it would “sort itself out,” as it had in his hometown, Misurata.

“People are afraid of the dark-skinned people, so they are all suspect,” Mr. Benrasali said, noting that residents had also rounded up dark-skinned migrants in Misurata after the rebels took control. He said he had advised the Tripoli officials to set up a system to release any migrants who could find Libyans to vouch for them.

With thousands of semi-independent rebel fighters still roaming the streets for any hidden threats, though, controlling the impulse to round up migrants may not be easy.

Outside a former Qaddafi intelligence building, rebels held two dark-skinned captives at knifepoint, bound together at the feet with arms tied behind their backs, lying in a pile of garbage, covered with flies. Their captors said they had been found in a taxi with ammunition and money. The terrified prisoners, 22-year-olds from Mali, initially said they had no involvement in the Qaddafi militias and then, as a captor held a knife near their heads, they began supplying the story of forced induction into the Qaddafi forces that they appeared to think was wanted.

Nearby, armed fighters stood over about a dozen other migrants squatting against a fence. Their captors were drilling them at gunpoint in rebel chants like “God is Great” and “Free Libya!”