Πηγή: Eurasia Rivista
By Laura Tocco
11 August 2011
The 2002 removed the gerontocracy Turkish political scenario of the country. The political class, consisting of ninety years, leaders such as Eçevit or Erbakan, and by younger people, like Ciller, Bahçeli or Yılmaz, was replaced by the new formation of the party for Justice and development (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi – AKP) who became the first movement of the country with a percentage of votes equal to 34.28%, consensus expected to grow in the next parliamentary election, 2007 (46.66%) and in more recent ones of 2011 (49.83%).
The credibility of the current Turkish political class is not attributable solely to economic success. Certainly the Prime Minister Erdoğan attempted to respond to the difficult economic crisis of the 1990s, showing a bright economic performance. For example, only in 2010, Turkey has experienced a growth of 8.9% and a significant expansion of trade.
On the institutional front, another important outcome of Ankara's policy has been achieved in these days following the resignation of four Top Military General of the Council. In fact, already the investigation Bayloz (Hammer), launched in 2010, had weakened the position of the old "custodians of Kemalism" supporting the Government against the advancement of military career. In this circumstance, for the first time in the history of the country, the Prime Minister alone, he chaired the Board's meeting with the Council, an event that would herald a victory of civilians on the military and, therefore, an important milestone in the road to liberation from the control of the army.
In this framework, which outlines only a small part of politics, inaugurated by Erdoğan also adds credibility that Turkey has acquired regional scenario by virtue of its policy based on the strong sense of national pride and sovereignty.
The policy with neighbors
In 2009 Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoğlu, long time contributor to the Turkish Prime Minister, announced the policy of "zero problems with neighbors" renewing Turkish foreign relations and forcing Ankara to a game of balance with neighbouring countries. The ability of Turkish diplomacy has been the policy of the country as much as possible by giving it the arbiter between requests and those from Arab countries. Specifically, the opening of Turkey towards Syria, Iran, Lebanon and Palestine (especially towards Hamas) has better defined the strategic role of the country, has always considered the bridge and link between Europe and Asia. This position allowed Turkey to play a significant role in recent unrest in the Arab world who have placed the spotlight on the vexata questio of democracy in the Middle East. In this regard, the model that seems to have enjoyed greater success is Turkish. Synthesis of liberal constitutionalism and political islam, Turkish experience has managed to combine the social fabric with the Muslim-majority democracy demands. Proof of credibility nourished by Ankara is the work done by TESEV (the Turkish Economic and Social Studies Foundation), who recently published the results of a survey on the perception of Turkey in the Arab world. The study revealed a growing confidence in Ankara: the numbers that come up, in fact, show a strong and credible Turkey in Arabic, especially in the Palestinian and Syrian. Among the reasons for this success, there is the zero problems mentioned doctrine that entailed a look more toward the Arab and Islamic world and at the same time, a cautious move toward United States and the European Union.
Thanks to this diplomatic line, Turkey has acquired the character of country broker. Already internally, the Government had to reckon with the Kemalist elite addressing the long-running dispute between secular and religious. Thus, even regional scenario, the Turkey has established itself as a country of great power.
The balance of Davutoğlu requested a redefinition of relations. In 1949 the Turkey was the first Muslim country to recognize the State of Israel. In 1952, joining the Coalition NATO was entering orbit pro-Western. His collaborations with the State of Israel is strengthened in the 1990s when the two countries signed agreements on free trade and military and economic cooperation. However, relations with Tel Aviv must be inserted within the regional conditions that followed the second Intifada of 2000 and the 2003 invasion of Iraq in 2002. Also, as mentioned earlier, you should consider the scenario in light of the new political line of the AKP. This, in fact, opened a line of support for the cause of the Palestinian people, which he represented in Turkish history, a considerable element of novelty. The failures of the peace process in the Middle East have damaged relations between Ankara and Tel Aviv. In addition, the cast lead offensive, triggered by Israel against Gaza between 2008 and 2009, and the assault on the Flotilla helped to ignite tensions. In fact, on that occasion, the same Erdoğan has drawn the Turkish Ambassador to Tel Aviv asking for official apology Israel, an end to the blockade against Gaza and the establishment of an international inquiry.
A reversal of policy?
According to the orientation of the aforesaid policy with neighbors, Turkey has earned a place on the international stage as a conciliator. In fact, already in 2008, about the litigation on the Golan Heights, Ankara held the function of mediator between Syria and Israel. This made inevitable, during recent clashes in the Arab world, the focus fell on his moves. For these reasons, Ankara has been the only country able to dialogue with its neighbours.
At first, on the Syrian issue, the Turkey was very cautious and invited President Bashar al-Assad to initiate a process of reforms in the shortest possible time. According to some sources, the Turkish considerations on possible scenario post-Asad would have forced Turkey to outline a new framework of regional balance and, therefore, to identify the conditions. In addition, the international pressure against Syria were pushed Turkey to take a position closer to the Euro-Atlantic axis, however, maintaining its country conciliator (it was proof the President Minister Davutoğlu al-Assad in Damascus in recent days).
To these comments, could be traced back the recent attempt at understanding between Tel Aviv and Ankara. In this regard, the message of congratulations to Netanyahu to Erdoğan, in the aftermath of the June 12 elections, intended to lay the groundwork for a possible reconciliation. According to some sources it appears that the attempts of understanding would be a problem even in secret talks between the two leaders about the report on the storming of the Flotilla. In fact, if the document is delivered without a prior agreement between the parties, organizations pro-Palestinian will denounce the Israeli military for war crimes by making a significant act for the Palestinian cause.
For these reasons, the delivery of the document has been repeatedly delayed in the hope that the two countries exceed the litigation without the involvement of the UN Commission. And, not surprisingly, the same Erdoğan has invited the Organization Insani Yardım Vakfı-IHH, which last year participated in the Freedom Flotilla with the Flotilla, not to join the same initiative of 2011.
Nevertheless, in connection with the case of the Flotilla, does not appear that Erdoğan has made some steps back. The recognition of the wrong suffered by activists Turks remains a mainstay. Specifically, the request for an apology and official compensation to the families seem to constitute the conditions for the normalization of relations between Ankara and Tel Aviv. However, in the light of recent allegations of Israeli Foreign Minister, Avigdor Lieberman, who considered it unacceptable to present official apologies, Erdoğan also positions remain firm on the Palestinian question. It is the demonstration of Turkish Premier announcement of unregistered in Gaza in the next few months. In addition, it would appear that, along with Mahmud Abbas, Erdoğan will open the next Palestinian ambassadors Conference in Istanbul, where they will discuss the proposal for recognition of a Palestinian State which will be submitted to the UN in September.
The inconstant relations between Israel and Turkey, however, have never put in crisis the trade concluded between the two countries. While Israel continued to pursue a policy based on the maintenance of its security, Turkey has ridimensionto their positions on the basis of internal and external factors, diversifying its foreign policy as well as economic. These maneuvers seem to reflect the need to ask the Turkish featured regional scenario and in the international. However, the recent demonstrations in the Arab world have been, and still constitute an important test for the policy of the AKP, a movement that, for now, doesn't seem to be willing to sacrifice the Palestinian cause on the altar of strategic interests.
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