Showing posts with label Misurata. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Misurata. Show all posts

2/21/2012

Siege city Misurata in first Libya poll


Πηγή: Times of Malta
By AFP
Feb 21 2012

Residents of the battle-scarred town of Misurata yesterday voted to elect their local council, in Libya’s first poll in more than 40 years and held four months after the killing of Muammar Gaddafi.

“This is a historic event. We hope these elections will be an example” for the rest of Libya, the president of the port city’s electoral commission, Mohammed Balrouin said, describing it as “a dress rehearsal for the upcoming vote” to be held nationwide in June to elect a constituent assembly.

Misurata residents were electing 28 council members from a field of 242 candidates. Some 101,486 people were registered to cast their ballots, from 156,000 eligible voters in a city with a population of 281,000, Mr Balrouin said.

By midday, he put the turnout at between 30 and 60 per cent.

“Our goal was to have a turnout of more than 30 per cent. I believe we’re almost there,” he said.

Mr Balrouin also said that the participation of women voters had “exceeded expectations.”

Yesterday had been declared a public holiday in Misurata, both for the election and to commemorate the date, exactly a year ago, when the city rose up against the regime of Gaddafi who had banned elections as an “invention of the West”.

The “city of martyrs” in Libya’s revolution was besieged for several months by Col Gaddafi’s forces and saw some of the fiercest fighting of the conflict.

“Today we are tasting freedom and democracy. Thank God, the blood of the martyrs was not spilt in vain,” said Fama al-Shawesh, a 19-year-old student, waving blue ink on a finger to show she had voted.


12/08/2011

MISURATA JOURNAL: Libyan Civilians Hold on to a Deadly Legacy

Ali Nahassi, 12, showed a picture of his father, Hassan Nahassi, whom he accidentally killed.

Πηγή: New York Times
By C. J. CHIVERS
Dec 7 2011

It was Oct. 20. A middle-age man turned Libyan rebel commander, Mr. Nahassi had returned home in the evening, leaving behind the front lines of Surt for a reprieve from the fighting. He wanted to rest with his wife and children.

Then came the news. Muatassim el-Qaddafi, a son of Col. Muammar el-Qaddafi, had been captured on the front that Mr. Nahassi had left only hours before.

Muatassim was loathed and feared. Word of his capture sent elation coursing through his enemy’s ranks. Around Misurata, rebels began firing into the night sky, celebrating a milestone in the slow, inevitable dismembering of the Qaddafi clan.

At Mr. Nahassi’s home, Sadiq, his 14-year-old son, asked if he might fire a burst. “Please father,” the boy recalled asking. “I need the rifle, the Kalash.”

Mr. Nahassi, his family said, had spent his career working in the city’s sprawling steel works. Caution had been ingrained in his being. But on this night, sensing victory near, he relented.

He retrieved a rifle, took the boy to the front courtyard, inserted a magazine, chambered a round and set the weapon’s selector lever on automatic. He handed the weapon to his son. “And I shot it into the air,” Sadiq said.

Sadiq’s brother, Ali, 12, had been asleep inside. The gunfire woke him and drew him out. He asked if he might have a turn, too.

In the swift run of seconds that followed, the Nahassi family forever changed.

Ali was unfamiliar with a rifle’s roar, or the way its muzzle, when as it fires, wants to rise. He gripped the weapon too lightly as he pulled its trigger back.

“With the first shot the barrel jolted and hit him behind his left ear,” Sadiq said. “He was dizzy and falling and my father stepped toward him.”

As Mr. Nahassi lunged, Ali spun. The rifle kept firing. Its muzzle swung through air, discharging bullets as it moved. One bullet passed through Sadiq’s shoulder. Several more hit Mr. Nahassi in his abdomen and chest.

Shot by the son, the father fell. Within a half-hour, Hassan Nahassi was pronounced dead.

Libya this year has provided an unending stream of sorrowful tales. But what befell the Nahassi family served as more than another dreary vignette of a revolution’s bloody toll. It framed the enduring perils and elusive solutions for a population that toppled its former ruler and took possession of his military arms, but now is unsure how to create security or order, or what to do with the guns.

Several weeks into its mourning, the Nahassi’s family’s reaction to the accident captures the widespread ambivalence in Libya about how to loosen weapons from the public’s not-always-responsible grip.

Guns, many Libyans say, set them free. And with the future uncertain and memories of persecution fresh, almost no one is yet sure how to give the guns up, even as they acknowledge that much of their former ruler’s arsenal would be better not loose.

Sadiq’s cousin, Abdullah Kamal bin Hameda, 22, who through an accident of patricide has become one of the caretakers of the Nahassi home, put it this way: The adults have put the weapons out of the children’s reach. They otherwise intend to keep them.

“It is difficult to put down the guns right now, because I do not know who is my enemy and who is my friend,” Mr. Hameda said. “When we will have a new government, and it is strong and we trust it, then we will give them the guns. But not now, not to the N.T.C.”

The N.T.C., or Transitional National Council, is Libya’s interim government, which many Libyans have accepted as only the temporary authorities.

Mr. Hameda had been a microbiology student. He said he was eager to return to civilian life, and leave war behind. He also said he intended to maintain a small armory at his home, where he has five automatic rifles claimed from the defeated Qaddafi forces, until he sees what comes next.

“My house is like an army base,” he said.

Military firearms — the assault rifles and machine guns — are only part of it. In Misurata, as across Libya, many other devices of modern warfare have been spirited away into countless caches: hand grenades, mortar tubes, antiaircraft machine guns, heat-seeking missiles, antitank rockets and conventional munitions beyond measure, of almost every sort.

The last months of Mr. Nahassi’s life provide a portrait of an entire class of Libyan men who were transformed by war.

Until the uprising changed his trajectory, he was a neat and balding technocrat, a factory supervisor by training and experience. He was given to clean shaves and red ties.

As the city’s population rose against the Qaddafi rule in February, he joined a local fighting cell and began to help reclaiming Misurata from his nation’s own army.

And as the Qaddafi forces were pushed backward, splinter groups broke off and formed their own groups. Mr. Nahassi, accustomed to responsibility, became a commander, leading a militia of his own.

That brigade claimed more than 100 fighting men and a small fleet of armored pickup trucks. They pursued the Qaddafi forces to the east, west and south.

By then people could be forgiven if they did not quite recognize Mr. Nahassi’s new look. Gone were the red ties and freshly shaved cheeks. He wore a bush hat, camouflage, and a long, gray beard. He had become, as Misurata called its fighters, one of the city’s lions.

When he died in the last hours of the war, he left behind a life he had spent decades building, including Ali, his younger son, a pre-teen who, on a recent day, sat quietly in the corner of the front room of their home.

At the entrance to the courtyard, the marks of the bullets the boy had fired showed as cracks and divots on the door and cement walls.

Inside, Ali sat, wordless, bright-eyed but in grief, holding a cellphone with a screen that displayed an image of his father not long before he died.

Mr. Hameda led him away and then served green tea.

From what happened in this home, he said, he hoped Misurata, and Libya, had learned. Libya needed its guns, but it did not need this.

“The people now are more cautious,” he offered. “They do not shoot in the air like before. They learned from their mistakes.”

Asked when the weapons might go back into the armories, he could only exhale loudly, and shrug.

“Not soon,” he said. “We are waiting to see what our government will be.”


10/23/2011

Prisoners in Libya languish without charge


Πηγή: Washington Post
By Mary Beth Sheridan
Oct 23 2011

MISURATA, Libya — Nearly 7,000 prisoners of war are packed into dingy, makeshift jails around Libya, where they have languished for weeks without charges and have faced abuse and even torture, according to human rights groups and interviews with the detainees.

The prisoners will pose an early test of the new government’s ability to rein in powerful militias and break from the cruel legacy of Moammar Gaddafi, who was killed Thursday. Human rights groups have warned that the former dictator’s death — which occurred in captivity after he was punched and kicked by swarming revolutionaries — could constitute a war crime.

Many of Libya’s makeshift prisons are run by local militia groups scarred by the eight-month war and angry at the prisoners, who include Gaddafi fighters and supporters. The new government that is to be named in the next few weeks — after a planned declaration of Libya’s liberation Sunday — will have to deal with both the militias and a crippled national justice system.

So far, the overwhelmed central government has not decided whether Gaddafi-era laws can be used to prosecute his forces.

“What we have been through is something unusual. We don’t have a court that applies for that,” said Ali Sweti, a lawyer who works with the revolutionary government in Misurata, about 130 miles east of Tripoli.

Sweti, 27, runs a prison that reflects the rough wartime justice at work in Libya. The facility was set up at a high school, and it now holds 1,000 inmates — a tenfold increase since July. They sleep on mattresses laid side by side on the floor, guarded by revolutionaries as young as 19. One recent day, two dozen detainees were lined up waiting to use one small washroom.

The interim national government is planning an amnesty for Gaddafi fighters who have not committed war crimes and who agree to cooperate with the new authorities, according to one government adviser, who was not authorized to speak on the record. But it is unclear whether that will be acceptable in places such as Misurata, where residents endured especially bloody attacks by loyalist forces.

“Some of these [pro-Gaddafi] people raped, some killed. There was vandalism. They tortured us; they killed kids,” said Abdel Gader Abu Shaallah, who oversees two other makeshift prisons in Misurata. “We are emotionally destroyed.”

Militiamen from Misurata captured Gaddafi on Thursday in his home town of Sirte.Cellphone videos show revolutionaries punching and kicking him and pulling his hair, as gunshots ring out in the background. He died in captivity during what the interim government says was an exchange of gunfire with loyalist troops but what human rights groups say could have been an intentional shot to the head. Gaddafi’s body was displayed publicly in Misurata for a second day Saturday.

Mona Rishmawi, a senior U.N. human rights official, said after visiting Libya this month that up to 7,000 prisoners were being held with no judicial process.

“This is, of course, a recipe for abuse,” she told reporters.

Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch have documented numerous cases of ill treatment of detainees. Dark-skinned Libyans and sub-Saharan Africans, the human rights groups say, have been especially vulnerable to beatings and torture by electric shock. Many Libyans suspect those with darker skin of being African mercenaries or of otherwise supporting Gaddafi.

“Right now, you have hundreds of local armed groups that are taking law into their own hands in their own neighborhoods,” said Fred Abrahams, a special adviser at Human Rights Watch.

He said a researcher for his organization was recently in a Misurata prison about midnight and witnessed four wounded detainees from Tawergha — a former Gaddafi stronghold — being forced to move around on their knees in a courtyard, with their hands behind their heads. According to Abrahams, a guard told the researcher: “We do this every day. It is sport before they go to bed. They committed rape.”

Human Rights Watch has found evidence of two prisoners dying from beatings they received in detention, he said.

Several prisoners in Misurata said in interviews that they had been beaten after being detained.

Gouezy Ahmed, 29, a small-boned man with big brown eyes who was lying on a mattress in a military prison, said he was whipped during an initial interrogation.

“Sometimes they hit you here, hit you there, to make you confess,” he said. Ahmed said he had acknowledged being a military officer under Gaddafi.

The revolutionaries overseeing the prisoners were at times openly contemptuous. As Abu Shaallah, the prison official, accompanied a reporter through the military prison, he became exasperated at detainees’ accounts of their innocence.

“Why are you here? Tell the truth,” Abu Shaallah barked at a man who said he was a civilian captured while fleeing Tawergha. The man was a suspected fighter with Gaddafi’s forces, Abu Shaallah said. And didn’t he raise the green flag of the regime over his home?

“We raised the flag because everyone in our city is pro-Gaddafi,” said the man, Abdul Aziz, who declined to give his surname.

A senior security official with Misurata’s revolutionary government acknowledged abuse had occurred in the prisons but said conditions had improved.

“The first couple of months, there was no organization. Some people were tortured or hit,” said the official, Ibrahim Mohammed Shirkasiya. But the revolutionary government now has teams of volunteer lawyers who are conducting investigations of each prisoner, he said. Those deemed innocent are freed.

“Whatever the revolutionaries did in the first two months is nothing compared to what these Gaddafi loyalists did in Misurata,” he said.

Misurata’s chief investigating magistrate said the city’s approximately 2,000 detainees have had no access to the formal justice system.

“We have had no contact with them,” said the magistrate, Abdel Latif Ibrahim al-Hamaly. He said he didn’t know how he would cope with so many prisoners; the city’s three jails and main court building were heavily damaged during the war. Jail guards had not yet returned to work.

Under international law, fighters in a civil war are supposed to be freed once the conflict ends, unless they have committed crimes such as attacking civilians.

“That means Gaddafi’s soldiers can be held while a determination is made as to whether they committed war crimes or other offenses,” Abrahams said. But if they are detained for an extended period, “they need to be brought before a judge.”

Revolutionary leaders in Misurata said they were trying to improve conditions in the prisons but had little money and guidance from the central government. Food, blankets, mattresses and other goods are donated by local residents or international groups, they said.

In one sign of the revolutionaries’ good intentions, the humanitarian organization Doctors Without Borders has been allowed to open clinics in two makeshift prisons in Misurata to treat the war-wounded. Its physicians said food and water in the prisons seemed adequate.

The national government has condemned prisoner abuse. “We joined the revolution to end such mistreatment, not to see it continue in any form,” Prime Minister Mahmoud Jibril told Human Rights Watch in late September.

Abrahams said the Libyan leaders “have been spot on with their public statements. The problem and question is their ability to implement them on the ground.”


10/06/2011

Libya's transitional forces burn, loot village homes near Gaddafi's birthplace


Πηγή: newKerala
Oct 6 2011


Tripoli, Oct 6 : Forces loyal to Libya''s transitional leaders looted and burned civilian homes on Wednesday in the recently captured village of Abu Hadi, near ousted ruler Muammar Gaddafi’s besieged tribal homeland of Surt.


Smoke spires were noticed after fighters, mostly from the western city of Misurata, threw gasoline bombs and grenades into abandoned homes in the village, a center for Gaddafi''s tribe, the Kadafa, The Los Angeles Times reports.

Libya''s new transitional government has urged fighters not to engage in looting and recriminatory assaults. Misurata had suffered greatly during the war, and officials have conceded that reining in its fierce and revenge-minded fighters has been difficult.

"The Misurata brigades are taking their revenge for what soldiers originally from this village did to them. They are burning houses, stealing gold and shooting animals," a fighter from an eastern-based brigade that was also taking part in the offensive against Surt, said.

The capture of Abu Hadi, a desert scrubland about 12 miles south of Surt that was overrun in recent days after fierce fighting, has been a symbolic victory for the forces of the transitional government.

This is reportedly the village where Gaddafi was born in 1942, though Surt has often been referred to as his birthplace.

A paramedic who worked with the revolutionaries returned to find his home in Abu Hadi ransacked and his father, a former officer in Kadafi''s military, missing, possibly detained by anti-Kadafi forces. The paramedic, who declined to give his name for fear of recrimination, said he had gone from one detention facility to another looking for his father, so far without finding him.

The paper quoted a paramedic as saying that he arrived at the newly "liberated" area and found his home a mess.

Another resident said: "Rebels from Misurata came to patrol the houses, they took weapons, and stole mine and my neighbor''s car. They came three times in one day, shooting bullets into the walls of our houses and breaking cupboards. They did this in front of our women and children.”