4/18/2012

Foreign secretary Jack Straw faces trial threat over Libya rendition

Legal action: Abdel Hakim Belhadj and Jack Straw

Πηγή: LES
By Craig Woodhouse
April 18 2012


A Libyan military commander will drag Jack Straw to court if the former foreign secretary does not reveal whether he signed papers allowing his alleged rendition, lawyers said today.

Abdel Hakim Belhadj’s legal team said he was determined to get an “admission or acknowledgment” after deciding to sue Mr Straw.

The move follows reports suggesting the Labour MP signed documents that allowed Mr Belhadj, 45, to be taken by CIA agents from Thailand to Colonel Gaddafi’s Libya via UK-controlled Diego Garcia in 2004.

Mr Belhadj claims he was seized en route to Britain while living in exile in China, sent back to Libya and imprisoned and tortured.

The civil action seeks to examine Mr Straw’s role in the rendition and claim damages from him for the trauma. It is believed to be the first time such legal proceedings have been taken against a former foreign secretary.

Sapna Malik, a partner at lawyers Leigh Day & Co, told BBC Radio: “The real issue here is not about the amount of compensation — it’s really to get public acknowledgement and an admission from Jack Straw and those others involved of their role in his rendition.”

However, she added that damages might be sought “in due course”.

Mr Straw, who served as foreign secretary between 2001 and 2006, has been given a month to respond or face having to defend himself in court.

The Blackburn MP was sent a letter yesterday asking him to produce a number of documents. They include papers mentioned in a Sunday Times article which alleged that Mr Straw signed off the rendition, as well as his diaries, memoirs and notes from March 2004 onwards.

Sami Al Saadi, a Libyan who claims to have shared the same fate as fellow Gaddafi opponent Mr Belhadj, is also taking legal action against Mr Straw.

Mr Belhadj, a key military figure in the uprising that toppled Gaddafi last year, is already suing the Foreign Office and MI6. The Metropolitan Police are investigating his claims. British ministers have always denied any complicity in rendition or torture. A spokesman for Mr Straw said he had no comment to make about the events.

In an interview with Radio 4 last year, he said the Labour government had been opposed to unlawful rendition, “were not complicit in it, nor did we turn a blind eye to it”. According to the Sunday Times, this prompted MI6 officers to show him evidence he had signed off the operation.



Greece urged to revert to Drachma


Πηγή: Evening Echo
April 18 2012


Conservative leader in the European Parliament Martin Callanan has urged EU politicians to put economics before politics and let Greece ditch the euro.

He said Greece was now a “lightning rod” for the continuing crisis and should revert to the Drachma.

Mr Callanan, who heads the European Conservatives and Reformists group, was speaking after European Commission President Jose Manuel Barroso told MEPs in Strasbourg that the crisis could only be beaten by backing financial measures with polices for jobs and growth.

Mr Barroso insisted: “There is no strong economy without a strong currency; there cannot be a strong Europe without a strong euro. It is therefore no surprise that those who oppose a strong Europe also do whatever they can to undermine the euro.”

Mr Callanan responded: “The eurozone has experienced several months of a sugar rush thanks to the European Central Bank’s cheap credit. Now, the sugar has worn off and the hangover has kicked in.”

He went on: “The euro still faces the same problems. Solutions will only be identified when our leaders decide to put economics ahead of politics, and hard-nosed realism ahead of federalist romanticism.”

One option was that Germany – Europe’s paymaster – agreed to permanent flows of money from northern Europe to southern Europe.

The other was that “we allow the lightning rod of this crisis – Greece – the opportunity to leave the euro and devalue its way back into the marketplace.”

Mr Callanan added: “The choices are simple: either Germany pays, Greece leaves, or the euro fails. The choice seems obvious.”

UK Independence Party leader Nigel Farage told Mr Barroso: “In Spain mass unemployment gathers by the day and internal democracy is now under threat; in Italy growth figures are falling and the bond spreads are worsening – and now an IMF official has said that it is obvious that at some point the euro break-up will happen...the euro is doomed”.

Mr Farage went on: “Mercifully, economists the world over now say that it is inevitable that the euro will break up. It is just a question of how.

“And I really hope that the IMF now decide to stop pouring good money after bad into these bail-outs and I really do hope that not one penny piece more of British taxpayers’ money goes into propping something up that should be allowed to die.”



Brussels to ask Greece for new budget cuts


Πηγή: Euroactiv
April 18 2012

Greece’s fiscal nightmare is far from over as the European Commission is set to ask Athens for a new round of spending cuts aimed at reducing labour costs, administration and healthcare expenditure, according to a draft seen by EurActiv.

José Manuel Barroso, the European Commission president, is due to present a document to the plenary session of the European Parliament in Strasbourg today (18 April), asking Greece for “further efforts” in 2013 and in 2014 to bring its public debt around 117% of GDP by 2020, as agreed with the last bailout plan (see background).

In the document, seen by EurActiv, the Commission makes clear that the new measures should not involve new taxes, but instead concentrate on further cuts to public expenditure, euphemistically called “spending savings”.

“By focusing on expenditure rather than tax increases, the short-term impact on the real economy can be mitigated,” the paper reads.

The new measures should be applied by “whoever wins” Greece's snap elections scheduled in May, the Commission underlines.

'It can be done'

The long to-do-list to be presented to the Greek authorities opens the draft paper and is enclosed in a paragraph under the title: “It can be done”.

Addressing sceptics, Brussels underlines the enormous efforts that have already been made to redress the Greek economy. The Commission’s own estimates of the EU support to Greece put the overall European aid to Athens at around €380 billion, equal to 177% of the Greek GDP, or €33.600 for each Greek inhabitant.

The sum includes loans, write-downs on loans and EU funds delivered to Greece since the beginning of the crisis.

In a boasting mode and without mentioning the delays caused mainly by Germany’s domestic agenda which raised the overall final bill, the Commission compares the EU efforts for saving Greece to the US Marshall Plan to rescue Europe after the Second World War.

“The US Marshall Plan for post-war reconstruction involved transfers equal to around 2.1% of GDP of recipient countries,” says the paper in its initial lines.

But the work is not finished yet. After asking for new general cuts, Brussels calls for a quick recapitalisation of Greek banks that should be concluded by September 2012, in order to facilitate banks’ loans to small and medium enterprises.

Restoring cost-competitiveness is the next priority. This implies dropping “nominal unit labour costs in the business economy by 15% in 2012-2014,” and “reducing social contributions weighing on the cost of labour in a budget-neutral way.”

Liberalisations are also among the priority actions requested from Athens. A paragraph dedicated to these efforts is called “Unleashing competition and freeing prices”.

Military expenses spared by cuts

The overhaul of the public administration takes a chapter of its own, focusing on redistribution, improving tax collection, and on reforming the judiciary. Cutting healthcare expenditure is also part of the public administration reform.

Among the other changes and cuts proposed in the healthcare sector, Brussels calls for “reducing pharmaceutical spending through changes in pricing, prescription and reimbursement of medicines, as well as via the promotion of generic medicines.”

As for pensions, the European Commission suggests that “the reform of the pension system should be finalised through the reform of secondary and supplementary pension schemes and fighting fraud in disability pensions”.

The huge drain on public finances posed by Greek military expenditure seems instead untouched by the reforms prescribed by the European Commission.

No mention is made in the draft paper to this sector which in Greece is relatively bigger than other EU countries - 2.9% of GDP in 2010 compared to 1.7% for all European NATO members, NATO figures show.




FDI into Ireland, Greece and Portugal before and after the EU bailout


Πηγή: FDI Intelligence
By Ailbhe McLoughlin
April 18 2012


Ireland, Portugal and Greece have had varying levels of success in attracting FDI since their eurozone bailouts.

Out of the three countries to have received EU bailouts – Ireland, Portugal and Greece – Ireland is the only one to have enjoyed an increase in recorded FDI since the financial crisis began in 2008. Data from greenfield investment monitor fDi Markets  shows that Ireland recorded 77% more projects in 2011 than it did in 2007. Conversely, Portugal recorded 63% fewer projects in 2011 compared to 2007 and Greece recorded 20% fewer.

In 2007, Ireland's financial services sector enjoyed a significant level of investment from UK-based banks, including Royal Bank of Scotland and its subsidiary Ulster Bank. Since the financial crisis, however, investment from such UK-based institutions has decreased. In 2011, a number of investments from US-based banks such as Citigroup and Bank of NY Mellon helped Ireland's FDI levels recover. Fund administrators and financial consultancies have also helped plug the gap left by UK-based institutions, with Switzerland-based deVere Group and global hedge fund administrator HedgeServ both investing in Ireland.

The growing levels of investment in Ireland’s software and IT sector have also helped bolster the country's FDI levels. Again, it is the US-based firms that have invested most heavily. Online auction site Ebay, search engine Google and social networking site Twitter have all all established or expanded their presence in the country.

Before the financial crisis, in 2007, Greece experienced FDI investment across a diverse range of industries, but particularly in the energy sector. In the same period, Portugal attracted a broad range of investments, with companies such as Finland-based communications corporation Nokia, Spain-based bank Santander and France-based automotive company PSA Peugeot-Citroën all investing in the country.



4/17/2012

Turkey's Strategy


Πηγή: Stratfor
By George Friedman
April 17 2012

Turkey is re-emerging as a significant regional power. In some sense, it is in the process of returning to its position prior to World War I when it was the seat of the Ottoman Empire. But while the Ottoman parallel has superficial value in understanding the situation, it fails to take into account changes in how the global system and the region work. Therefore, to understand Turkish strategy, we need to understand the circumstances it finds itself in today.

The end of World War I brought with it the end of the Ottoman Empire and the contraction of Turkish sovereignty to Asia Minor and a strip of land on the European side of the Bosporus. That contraction relieved Turkey of the overextended position it had tried to maintain as an empire stretching from the Arabian Peninsula to the Balkans. In a practical sense, defeat solved the problem of Turkey's strategic interests having come to outstrip its power. After World War I, Turkey realigned its interests to its power. Though the country was much smaller, it was also much less vulnerable than the Ottoman Empire had been.

The Russia Problem

At the same time, a single thread connected both periods: the fear of Russia. For its part, Russia suffered from a major strategic vulnerability. Each of its ports -- St. Petersburg, Vladivostok, Murmansk and Odessa -- was accessible only through straits controlled by potentially hostile powers. The British blocked the various Danish straits, the Japanese blocked access to Vladivostok and the Turks blocked access to the Mediterranean. Russian national policy had an ongoing focus of gaining control of the Bosporus both to prevent a blockade and to project power into the Mediterranean.

Therefore, the Russians had a particular interest in reshaping Turkish sovereignty. In World War I, the Ottomans aligned with the Germans, who were fighting the Russians. In the inter-war and World War II periods, when the Soviets were weak or distracted, Turkey remained neutral until February 1945, when it declared war on the Axis. After the war, when the Soviets were powerful and attempted covert operations to subvert both Turkey and Greece, the Turks became closely allied with the United States and joined NATO (despite their distance from the North Atlantic).

From 1945 until 1991 Turkey was locked into a relationship with the United States. The United States was pursuing a strategy of containing the Soviet Union on a line running from Norway to Pakistan. Turkey was a key element because of its control of the Bosporus, but also because a pro-Soviet Turkey would open the door to direct Soviet pressure on Iran, Iraq and Syria. A Soviet-allied or Soviet-influenced Turkey would have broken the center of the American containment system, changing the balance of power. Along with Germany, Turkey was the pivot point of U.S. and NATO strategy.

From a Turkish point of view, there was no other option. The Soviets had emerged from World War II in an extremely powerful position. Western Europe was a shambles, China had become communist and the surplus military capability of the Soviets, in spite of the massive damage they had endured in the war, outstripped the ability of nations on their periphery -- including Turkey -- to resist. Given the importance of the Bosporus and Asia Minor to the Soviets, Turkey was of fundamental interest. Unable to deal with the Soviets alone, Turkey thus moved into an extremely tight, mutually beneficial relationship with the United States.

During the Cold War, Turkey was a strategic imperative of the United States. It faced the Soviets to the north and two Soviet clients, Syria and Iraq, to the south. Israel drew Syria away from Turkey. But this strategic logic dissolved in 1991 with the fall of the Soviet Union. By then, the union had fragmented. Russian power withdrew from the southern Caucasus and Balkans and uprisings in the northern Caucasus tied the Russian military down. Armenia, Georgia and Azerbaijan gained independence. Ukraine also became independent, making the status of the Russian Black Sea Fleet in Crimea unclear. For the first time since the early years of the Soviet Union, Turkey was freed from its fear of Russia. The defining element of Turkish foreign policy was gone, and with it, Turkish dependence on the United States. 

The Post-Soviet Shift

It took a while for the Turks and Americans to recognize the shift. Strategic relationships tend to stay in place, as much from inertia as intention, after the strategic environment that formed them disappears; it often takes a new strategic reality to disturb them. Thus, Turkey's relationship with the United States remained intact for a time. Its ongoing attempts to enter the European Union continued. Its relationship with Israel remained intact even after the American rationale for sponsoring Turkish-Israeli strategic ties had diminished.

It is much easier to forge a strategic policy in the face of a clear threat than in the face of an undefined set of opportunities. For Turkey, opportunities were becoming increasingly prevalent, but defining how to take advantage of them posed a challenge. For Turkey, the key breakpoint with the past was 2003 and the U.S. invasion of Iraq. From Turkey's point of view, the invasion was unnecessary, threatened to empower Iran, and posed domestic political challenges. For the first time since World War II, the Turks not only refused to participate in an American initiative, they also prevented the Americans from using Turkish territory to launch the invasion.

Turkey had encountered a situation where its relationship with the United States proved more dangerous than the threat an alliance with the United States was meant to stave off. And this proved the turning point in post-Soviet Turkish foreign policy. Once Turkey decided not to collaborate with the United States -- its core principle for decades -- its foreign policy could never be the same. Defying the United States did not cause the sky to fall. In fact, as the war in Iraq proceeded, the Turks could view themselves as wiser than the Americans on this subject and the Americans had difficulty arguing back.

That left the Turks free to consider other relationships. One obvious option was joining with Europe, the leading powers of which also opposed the American invasion. That commonality, however, did not suffice to win Turkey EU membership. A host of reasons, from fear of massive Turkish immigration to Greek hostility, blocked Turkey's membership bid. Membership in the European Union was not seen in terms of foreign policy alone; rather, for secularists it symbolized the idea of Turkey as a European country committed to European values. But the decision on membership was not Turkey's to make. Ultimately, the European decision to essentially block Turkey's membership left Turkey with a more dynamic economy than most of Europe and without liability for Greece's debt.

The failure to integrate with Europe and the transformation of ties with the United States from an indispensible relationship to a negotiable (albeit desirable) one finally forced Turkey to create a post-Cold War strategy. That strategy grew out of three facts. First, Turkey faced no immediate existential threat, and even secondary threats were manageable. Second, Turkey was developing rapidly economically and had the most powerful military in its region. And third, Turkey was surrounded by increasingly unstable and dangerous neighbors. Iraq and Syria were both unstable. Iran was increasingly assertive, and a war between Iran and Israel and/or the United States remained a possibility. The Caucasus region was quiet, but the Russian invasion of Georgia in 2008 and ongoing tensions between Azerbaijan and Armenia were still significant factors. The Balkans had quieted down after the Kosovo war, but the region remained underdeveloped and potentially unstable. In the past year, North Africa became unstable, Russia became more assertive and the United States began appearing more distant and unpredictable.

Three processes define Turkey's strategy. The first is its rise in relative power. In a region of destabilizing powers, Turkey's relative strength is increasing, which provides Ankara with new options. The second is the possible dangers posed to Turkish interests by the destabilization, which draws Turkey outward, as Ankara seeks ways to manage the instability. The third is the reality that the United States is in the process of redefining its role in the region following the Iraq War and no longer is a stable, predictable force.

The Transitional Stage
Turkey is emerging as a great power. It has not yet become one for a host of reasons, including limited institutions for managing regional affairs, a political base that is not yet prepared to view Turkey as a major power or support regional interventions, and a region that is not yet prepared to view Turkey as a beneficial, stabilizing force. Many steps are required for any power to emerge as a dominant regional force. Turkey is only beginning to take those steps.

At present, Turkish strategy is in a transitional stage. It is no longer locked into its Cold War posture as simply part of an alliance system, nor has it built the foundation of a mature regional policy. It cannot control the region and it cannot simply ignore what is happening. The Syrian case is instructive. Syria is Turkey's neighbor, and instability in Syria can affect Turkey. There is no international coalition prepared to take steps to stabilize Syria. Therefore Ankara has taken a stance in which it refrains from overt action, but keeps its options open should matters become intolerable to Turkey.

When we consider the Turkish periphery as a whole, we see this transitional foreign policy at work, whether in Iraq or in the Caucasus. With Iran, it avoids simply being part of the American coalition while refusing simply to champion the Iranian position. Turkey has not created a regional balance of power, as a mature regional power would. Rather, it has created a Turkish balance of power in the sense that Turkish power is balanced between subordination to the United States and autonomous assertiveness. This period of balancing for an emerging power is predictable; the United States went through a similar phase between 1900 and World War I.

Turkey obviously has two main domestic issues to address as it moves forward. We say "as it moves forward" because no nation ever solves all of its domestic problems before it assumes a greater international role. One is the ongoing tension between the secular and religious elements in its society. This is both a domestic tension and an occasional foreign policy issue, particularly in the context of radical Islamists, where every sign of Islamic religiosity can alarm non-Islamic powers and change their behavior toward Turkey. The other is the Kurdish problem in Turkey, as manifested by the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) militant group.

The first problem is endemic in most societies these days; it defines American politics as well. It is something nations live with. The PKK problem, however, is unique. The Kurdish issue intersects with regional issues. For example, the question of Iraq's future involves the extent of autonomy enjoyed by Iraq's Kurdish region, which could have an effect on Turkish Kurds. But the major problem for Turkey is that so long as the Kurdish issue persists, foreign powers opposed to Turkey's rise will see the Kurds as a Turkish weakness and could see covert interventions into the Kurdish regions as an opportunity to undermine Turkish power.

Turkey is already wary of Syrian and Iranian efforts to constrain Turkey through Kurdish militancy. The more powerful Turkey gets, the more uncomfortable at least some in the region will become, and this actually increases Turkey's vulnerability to outside intervention. Therefore Turkey must address the Kurdish issue, since regional unrest and separatism fueled by outside enemies could undermine Turkey's power and reverse its current trend toward becoming a great power.

There is a paradox, which is that the more powerful a nation becomes, the more vulnerable it might be. The United States was undoubtedly safer between the Civil War and its intervention in World War I than any time since. So, too, Turkey was likely safer between 1991 and today than it will be when it becomes a great power. At the same time, it is unsafe to be simply a junior ally to a global power given to taking risks with other countries.

The idea of safety among nations in the long run is illusory. It doesn't last. Turkey's current strategy is to make it last as long as possible. This means allowing events around it to take their course on the reasonable assumption that at present, the outcome of these events doesn't threaten Turkey as much as Turkish intervention would. But as we have said, this is a transitional policy. The instability to its south, the rise of an Iranian sphere of influence, a deepening of Russian influence in the Caucasus and the likelihood that at some point the United States might change its Middle East policy again and try to draw Turkey into its coalition -- all of these argue against the transitional becoming permanent.

Turkey is interesting precisely because it is a place to study the transition of a minor country into a great power. Great powers are less interesting because their behavior is generally predictable. But managing a transition to power is enormously more difficult than exercising power. Transitional power is keeping your balance when the world around you is in chaos, and the ground beneath you keeps slipping away.

The stresses this places on a society and a government are enormous. It brings out every weakness and tests every strength. And for Turkey, it will be a while before the transition will lead to a stable platform of power.



Europe’s Short Vacation


Πηγή: Social Europe Journal
By Nuriel Rubini
April 16 2012

Since last November, the European Central Bank, under its new president, Mario Draghi, has reduced its policy rates and undertaken two injections of more than €1 trillion of liquidity into the eurozone banking system. This led to a temporary reduction in the financial strains confronting the debt endangered countries on the eurozone’s periphery (Greece, Spain, Portugal, Italy, and Ireland), sharply lowered the risk of a liquidity run in the eurozone banking system, and cut financing costs for Italy and Spain from their unsustainable levels of last fall.

At the same time, a technical default by Greece was avoided, and the country implemented a successful – if coercive – restructuring of its public debt. A new fiscal compact – and new governments in Greece, Italy, and Spain – spurred hope of credible commitment to austerity and structural reform. And the decision to combine the eurozone’s new bailout fund (the European Stability Mechanism) with the old one (the European Financial Stability Facility) significantly increased the size of the eurozone’s firewall.

But the ensuing honeymoon with the markets turned out to be brief. Interest-rate spreads for Italy and Spain are widening again, while borrowing costs for Portugal and Greece remained high all along. And, inevitably, the recession on the eurozone’s periphery is deepening and moving to the core, namely France and Germany. Indeed, the recession will worsen throughout this year, for many reasons.

First, front-loaded fiscal austerity – however necessary – is accelerating the contraction, as higher taxes and lower government spending and transfer payments reduce disposable income and aggregate demand. Moreover, as the recession deepens, resulting in even wider fiscal deficits, another round of austerity will be needed. And now, thanks to the fiscal compact, even the eurozone’s core will be forced into front-loaded recessionary austerity.

Moreover, while über-competitive Germany can withstand a euro at – or even stronger than – $1.30, for the eurozone’s periphery, where unit labor costs rose 30-40% during the last decade, the value of the exchange rate would have to fall to parity with the US dollar to restore competitiveness and external balance. After all, with painful deleveraging – spending less and saving more to reduce debts – depressing domestic private and public demand, the only hope of restoring growth is an improvement in the trade balance, which requires a much weaker euro.

Meanwhile, the credit crunch in the eurozone periphery is intensifying: thanks to the ECB long-term cheap loans, banks there don’t have a liquidity problem now, but they do have a massive capital shortage. Faced with the difficulty of meeting their 9% capital-ratio requirement, they will achieve the target by selling assets and contracting credit – not exactly an ideal scenario for economic recovery.

To make matters worse, the eurozone depends on oil imports even more than the United States does, and oil prices are rising, even as the political and policy environment is deteriorating. France may elect a president who opposes the fiscal compact and whose policies may scare the bond markets. Elections in Greece – where the recession is turning into a depression – may give 40-50% of the popular vote to parties that favor immediate default and exit from the eurozone. Irish voters may reject the fiscal compact in a referendum. And there are signs of austerity and reform fatigue both in Spain and Italy, where demonstrations, strikes, and popular resentment against painful austerity are mounting.

Even structural reforms that will eventually increase productivity growth can be recessionary in the short run. Increasing labor-market flexibility by reducing the costs of shedding workers will lead – in the short run – to more layoffs in the public and private sector, exacerbating the fall in incomes and demand.

Finally, after a good start, the ECB has now placed on hold the additional monetary stimulus that the eurozone needs. Indeed, ECB officials are starting to worry aloud about the rise in inflation due to the oil shock.

The trouble is that the eurozone has an austerity strategy but no growth strategy. And, without that, all it has is a recession strategy that makes austerity and reform self-defeating, because, if output continues to contract, deficit and debt ratios will continue to rise to unsustainable levels. Moreover, the social and political backlash eventually will become overwhelming.

That is why interest-rate spreads in the eurozone periphery are widening again now. The peripheral countries suffer from severe stock and flow imbalances. The stock imbalances include large and rising public and private debt as a share of GDP. The flow imbalances include a deepening recession, massive loss of external competitiveness, and the large external deficits that markets are now unwilling to finance.

Without a much easier monetary policy and a less front-loaded mode of fiscal austerity, the euro will not weaken, external competitiveness will not be restored, and the recession will deepen. And, without resumption of growth – not years down the line, but in 2012 – the stock and flow imbalances will become even more unsustainable. More eurozone countries will be forced to restructure their debts, and eventually some will decide to exit the monetary union.




Gaddafi son Saif al-Islam 'may be tried in Libya'


Saif al Islam has been held by militiamen in Libya since November 2011.


Πηγή: BBC
April 17 2012

The International Criminal Court could soon drop its demand that Saif al-Islam Gaddafi be transfered to the Hague for trial, officials have told the BBC.

They say the most prominent son of the former Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi could instead be tried inside Libya but under the supervision of the ICC.

The argument over who should try him has been going on ever since he was captured in November last year.

The ICC has indicted him for crimes against humanity.

Now the Libyan justice ministry says a deal is being finalised where Mr Gaddafi can be tried in Libya but with security and legal supervision by the international court.

The BBC's Jon Donnison, in the Libyan capital Tripoli, has been told by a western official with good knowledge of the case that a deal is close to being agreed.

But the official warned it could be months before any trial might begin.

The ICC's chief prosecutor Luis Moreno Ocampo is due to visit Libya this week.

Human rights groups have argued that the Libyan justice system is not capable of dealing with such a high-profile case.

Saif al-Islam, 39, is currently being held by a militia in the Zintan region of Libya. He was once expected to succeed his father, Libya's late leader, Col Muammar Gaddafi.

The group has given no indication of when they will hand him over to the Libyan government.

If tried in Libya, Mr Gaddafi could face the death penalty.




Sarkozy denies plan to build nuclear power station in Kadhafi's Libya

French President Nicolas Sarkozy welcomes Moamer Kadhafi to the Elysée Palace in 2007.


Πηγή: RFI
By Tony Cross
April 17 2012

Incumbent President Nicolas Sarkozy on Tuesday denied that France had plans to build a nuclear power station in Libya under Moamer Kadhafi, despite an agreement to negotiate such a deal signed in 2010 with the then-industry minister and Sarkozy’s own declaration that it was in the pipeline in 2007.

“There was never any question of selling a nuclear power station to Mr Kadhafi and allow me to tell you that, if there is one head of state in the world who didn’t mix with Mr Kadhafi and is responsible for his departure and what happened to him, I think it’s me,” Sarkozy told a caller on France Inter radio who had challenged him on the question.

But, as reported by RFI at the time, two years ago Sarkozy’s industry minister Christian Estrosi signed an agreement in principle on collaboration in the energy sector with Kadhafi’s regime.



23/10/2010 - FRANCE - LIBYA
France hopes to build Libyan nuclear power station

According to the Reuters news agency, it meant that negotiations could begin on building a nuclear power station.

The government issued no denial of the report at the time and Estrosi confirmed that the visit had taken place and that the construction of a small reactor had been raised to Libérationnewspaper in 2011.

In fact, when Kadhafi visited Paris in 2007 Sarkozy himself announced that contracts worth “tens of billions” of euros had been signed, adding that they included “contracts to work together on seawater desalination station with a nuclear reactor, cooperation in the weapons sector and different economic contracts”.

There was controversy over Kadhafi’s 2007 visit with charges that Sarkozy was cosying up to a dictator for the sake of trade.

When anti-Kadhafi rebels took up arms last year, Sarkozy, along with British Prime Minister David Cameron, was at the forefront of efforts to help the uprising with Nato air strikes and a diplomatic offensive against Kadhafi.

Sarkozy is currently fighting to be reelected.



US to press Pakistan to 'squeeze' Haqqani network: Clinton


Πηγή: The Nation
By INP
April 17 2012

The United States has said that it will continue to press Islamabad to 'squeeze' the al-Qaeda linked Haqqani network, as Afghanistan blamed the Pakistan-based group for the latest brazen attacks in Kabul.

Declaring "there were indications of Haqqani involvement" in the weekend attacks in the Afghan capital, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton said that she had pressed Pakistan to 'squeeze' the Haqqani network when she visited Islamabad last October.

"I will continue to make that point, and press it hard," Clinton was quoted by Fox News as telling reporters in the Brazilian capital Brasilia, where she described the Haqqani network as a 'determined foe'.

Afghan Interior Minister Bismillah Mohammadi had told newsmen in Kabul that one of the militants arrested during the latest attacks on the Afghan capital and three other cities had told the authorities that al-Qaeda linked Haqqani network was behind the assaults.

The Secretary of State said she had spoken to her Pakistani counterpart Hina Rabbani Khar to urge her for a commitment to work closely for peace and stability in Afghanistan and also discussed the recent terrorist attacks in Kabul.

The telephonic talks between Clinton and Khar come a day ahead of a crucial meeting of Pakistan's top civilian and military leadership, who are expected to take a final decision on re-opening of logistic supply lines to Nato troops in Afghanistan. Prime Minister Yousuf Raza Gilani will preside over the meeting of the Defence Committee of Cabinet, which will also be attended by key ministers, Chairman Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee General Khalid Shamim Wayne, Army Chief Ashfaq Pervez Kayani and chiefs of Air Force and Navy.

The meeting has been called days after the parliament unanimously approved a resolution for resetting the country's strained relations with the US.

The parliament had opposed use of supply route for arms transfer to Nato troops and called for an immediate cessation of US drone strikes on Pakistani soil. In Washington State Department spokesperson Mark Toner told reporters: "They (Clinton and Khar) did discuss next steps in the US-Pakistani dialogue in light of the conclusion of this parliamentary review. They also, of course, discussed the attacks in Afghanistan." "Our posture right now is you know we recognise that this has been a long and difficult road for Pakistan. It speaks to the strength of Pakistan's democratic institutions that this parliamentary review's taken place, that the civilian government has taken the lead on this issue, has owned it, and has come up with a series of recommendations." "I think it's incumbent on us now to engage with them in a discussion about some of those recommendations," he said.



Greece’s OTE ‘may sell’ unit to pay debts


Πηγή: GTB
April 17 2012

Greek operator OTE, in which Deutsche Telekom has a controlling stake, may sell its Albanian, Bulgarian or Romanian unit to fund debt-servicing, according to local reports. 

OTE is likely to finalise cost-cutting measures by the end of the first half of 2012, as part of efforts to tackle a funding deficit of about €500-€700 million, reports Greek newspaper Naftemporiki. 

One of the potential sales is Cosmo Bulgaria Mobile, a Bulgarian mobile operator which uses the brand Globul. Its revenues saw a slight year-on-year decline in the last quarter of 2011, as its strong performance on handset sales could not make up for lower service revenues.




Greece's Lazard banker unlocks deals over secret meetings


Πηγή: ekathimerini
By Anne-Sylvaine Chassany & Jesse Westbrook
April 17 2012

The world of Michele Lamarche, one of Lazard Ltd.'s top advisers to Greece on its debt restructuring, is full of meetings that never happened, officially at least.

With efforts to cut in half Greece's 206 billion-euro ($269 billion) debt stalled and a Greek bond payment looming, Lamarche and two colleagues secretly met in Paris on a Saturday morning in December with BNP Paribas SA adviser Jean Lemierre, a negotiator for Greece's private creditors, two people involved in the restructuring said. Out of that 30-minute meeting came the proposal to offer private creditors cash and give them and the public creditors parity on new Greek debt, said the people, who declined to be identified because the talks were private. It helped restart the negotiations.

"We had to work something out,» Lamarche, 63, said in an interview. «The alternative, Greece exiting the euro, was too dramatic for everybody. Sometimes you need to sit down with the other side, talk bluntly and in total confidence."

Over a 30-year career at Lazard, Lamarche has negotiated such deals all over the world, always on the side of the debt- strapped sovereigns against their creditors. In Iraq, Argentina, the Ivory Coast and now in the glare of Greece, Lamarche, short, thin and elegant in her Dior suits and Christian Louboutin high heels, is among a small cast of advisers, and one of the rare women, who show up around the table for almost every major sovereign debt restructuring. Now with nations including Portugal and Spain struggling with high debt and sluggish economies, Lamarche's work is shifting to developed markets in Europe. With Greece, the largest sovereign debt restructuring, the team is also becoming a bigger fee generator for Lazard.

'Political instinct'

"Beyond her experience and her understanding of how those deals work, her talent is her political instinct,» Lemierre, who represented Greece's private creditors with Institute of International Finance Managing Director Charles Dallara, said in an interview. «In a stalemate, she'll be able to stand back, use her connections and unlock the situation."

With Europe's debt crisis again roiling markets and pushing up bond yields in Italy and Spain, the threat of more restructurings beyond Greece remains. Portugal hasn't sold long- term bonds in the public markets for a year and Spain, with unemployment at a European Union high of 23.6 percent, is struggling to meet budget targets. The 17-nation euro economy will shrink 0.3 percent this year, the European Commission said.

Lamarche said she hopes Europe will prevent further restructurings. It should always be the last resort, she said.

"Everybody realized how difficult those restructurings are,» Lamarche said. «It always makes a return to the market much more difficult for a country. Portugal and Spain are making big efforts, and I hope an improving economic environment in the US will help."

Europe's crisis is a recipe for growth in Lamarche's business. The team is working on other assignments related to the euro crisis, she said, declining to identify them. Lazard, based in Hamilton, Bermuda, will earn as much as 25 million euros alone in fees for advising Greece over the last two years, the Greek government reported on March 21. The bigger the debt reduction and level of creditor participation, which is almost 97 percent, the larger the fees are. Lazard's top 10 clients paid the bank about $14 million each last year on average, according to Lazard's annual report.

"Michele Lamarche never got much publicity for her work, and she isn't the type to care,» said Luce Gendry, a partner at Paris-based mergers-and-acquisitions bank Rothschild, who has known Lamarche since college. «Sovereign debt wasn't something that would make the headlines as much. Now it is grabbing everyone's attention."

Finding consensus during that secret meeting in December was just the beginning. Lamarche, accompanied by Lazard Paris chief Matthieu Pigasse and economist Daniel Cohen, and Lemierre also had to get their own camps to accept the concept, called co-financing.

Euro-region nations had agreed to lend Greece 30 billion euros to sweeten a debt exchange, and creditors wanted it invested in securities to guarantee the new 30-year bond's principal. Greece objected the deal was too costly and some European countries, including Germany, had technical concerns.

In the final accord, investors took the 30 billion euro- cash in the form of European Financial Stability Facility notes, and received bonds with a face value of 31.5 percent of the old ones, instead of 50 percent. The new bond and the euro-region loan have a common paying agent. If Greece defaults on the private bond, it automatically defaults on the public debt.

It is the first time public creditors agreed to be tied up in such a co-financing with private investors in a restructuring, Lamarche said. The Greek deal was the most difficult negotiation of her career, in part because of the number of European nations and institutions involved, she said, her fingers playing with one of her golden earrings.

The secret sauce is to find creditors who share her objective to reach a deal, Lamarche said.

"It's our job to identify the bondholders that are constructive and will be able to apply pressure on their more aggressive peers,» she said. «Everybody has their own limitations, but at the end of the day, creditors are a sensible bunch."

Born near Algiers, the daughter of a French colonel who fought in Algeria's war of independence, Lamarche was a teenager when she and her family fled by ferry in 1962 amid retaliation attacks against Europeans. Although she «never felt the danger,» Algeria gave her a taste for geopolitics.

"I was a child thrown into a war, and I naturally got interested in international crises,» she said.

Protesting in Paris

While attending the Paris business school HEC, she took part in the student riots in May 1968, getting «the scare of her life» when demonstrators burned the stock exchange. Rothschild's Gendry, who used the changing times to swap the mandatory skirts for jeans at business school, recalled Lamarche as a strong-willed student who made a point of remaining elegant under any circumstances.

Lamarche won a scholarship to study for a Masters of Business Administration at the University of California at Berkeley, then a hotbed of America's anti-Vietnam war and hippie movement. There, she stuck to her studies to «graduate in one year, get into business and earn my own money."

After graduation, she turned down a job with Bank of America Corp. to join a French state-owned institution that helped small businesses export. She quit a few months later after realizing she was paid less than her male colleagues.

She called back Bank of America, working in Paris and London, helping to arrange financing for companies such as Algeria's state-owned gas producer Sonatrach, and forging friendships with executives such as Christophe de Margerie, who heads French oil company Total SA.

In 1982, she joined Lazard's international department in Paris, which had been created by Helie de Pourtales, a partner who in the 1970s helped Indonesia reschedule its debt. She and a colleague started a unit that helped lenders swap their sovereign holdings. She hired former Bank of America colleagues, including Eric Lalo, now a managing director of the department. Her team was allowed to invest some of their profit, and the bank started building its own sovereign debt trading book.

When the late Bruce Wasserstein took over Lazard in 2002, deciding to take the firm public in New York and focus on advisory, Lamarche won mandates in Argentina, the Ivory Coast, Gabon and Iraq. Under Pigasse, the unit added advisers such as Cohen, a vice president of the Paris School of Economics, and Mark Walker, a former managing partner at law firm Cleary Gottlieb Steen & Hamilton LLP who has worked on debt negotiations for five decades.

'Crisis isn't over'

"This department has become very important for Lazard,» Pigasse said. «It gives us unparalleled insight into the European sovereign debt crisis and all the other businesses benefit. Unfortunately, I don't think the crisis is over, Europe's growth prospects are bleak."

Pigasse, a former government cabinet member, Cohen and Walker worked on the Greek talks with Lamarche. Walker, in years of debt negotiations, is known for making aggressive demands and sometimes storming out of the room when talks reach an impasse, according to creditors. Lamarche is known for seeking consensus, they said.

"I don't know if putting Michele and Mark together was intentional, but it worked because they are complementary,» said Hans Humes, president of New York-based hedge fund Greylock Capital Management LLC, who was part of the private creditors' committee negotiating with Greece.

Lamarche's connections are stunning, Pigasse said.

"I would go to her and say, 'I need to talk to this finance minister, whom I don't know, at 3:15 p.m. today.'» he said. «She would come back an hour later apologizing, 'Sorry, I only got 3:20 p.m. with the prime minister.'"

While most debt negotiations are held in cities such as London, Washington or Paris, Lamarche has also learned her way around the countries she advises. She recalled being shocked by Baghdad's deserted streets when speeding through the city on a scorching July day in 2009. She regularly visits the west African country of Mauritania, where al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb, the terrorist group that kidnapped and killed foreign hostages, operates.

One day, after visiting Mauritanian officials, she and Cohen found themselves in a dune-buggy stuck in the sand with two guides on an isolated beach. It was getting dark, they risked missing their flight and Cohen started fretting.

"The whole situation was actually very funny,» Lamarche said. «So we were going to miss our plane. No big deal."

Lazard's focus on advisory and its choice not to work for creditors explain why governments hire the bank, according to Pigasse. The credit crisis has accentuated this need, allowing the bank to regain market share lost to the larger institutions in the 1990s, he said.

"If you are JPMorgan Chase & Co. or Citigroup Inc., you've probably underwritten sovereign bonds and you have a conflict,» said William D. Cohan, a former Lazard banker and a Bloomberg columnist. «Lazard has a competitive advantage because they have been in it longer. Spain, Portugal, Italy, they want the people who've done it for Greece, whether they need to go down that path yet or not,» said Cohan, who wrote a history of Lazard titled «The Last Tycoons."

Some of Lazard's work has had varying degrees of success.

More than 10 years after defaulting on $95 billion in debt, Argentina is still excluded from world credit markets and relies on central bank reserves and a local pension agency to pay its debt. The country continues to fight litigation from hedge funds that opposed the restructuring.

No retirement plans

Lamarche's team also advised BTA Bank, which was taken over by the Kazakhstan government in 2009, just before it defaulted on $12 billion of debt. BTA's bonds were restructured in 2010, and the bank failed to make a $166 million interest payment in January. It is now seeking a second restructuring, with Lazard's help. Kazakhstan is ranked 120th of 183 nations in Berlin-based Transparency International's 2011 Corruption Perceptions Index, and parliament changed the constitution in 2007 to allow President Nursultan Nazarbayev to be re-elected indefinitely.

Lamarche, who has raised three daughters from two marriages and spent half her time outside France over the past year, said she doesn't plan to retire any time soon.

"My job is fascinating intellectually, and it is amazing to help a country jump back on its feet,» she said. «It's so rewarding.»



Syria ceasefire 'fragile', Russia claims

Syria's President Bashar al-Assad with Russia's foreign minister Sergei Lavrov.

Πηγή: The Telegraph
April 17 2012

Russia has said the ceasefire in Syria is "fragile", as Sergei Lavrov, the foreign minister, urged countries to put more pressure on the armed opposition to co-operated with Kofi Annan's peace plan.

The claims came as activists said the Assad regime widened shelling attacks on opposition strongholds, in a fresh sign that the ceasefire is quickly unravelling.

"There really are those who are interested in the failure of Kofi Annan's plan and they actually mentioned that (opinion) even before this plan was made public," Mr Lavrov said without naming specific countries.

Russia has previously condemned some Arab states for agreeing to provide funding to the opposition Free Syrian Army.

"There are countries – there are outside forces – that are not interested in the success of current UN Security Council efforts," Mr Lavrov said.

Russia and China jointly blocked two UN Security Council resolutions on the 13-month crisis before backing on Saturday a decision to send observers to monitor the two sides' co-operation with Annan's six-point initiative.

Moscow backed the resolution after successfully insisting on including one Russian officer in the observers group.

Sergei Ryabkov, deputy foreign minister, said Russia would be "substantially" represented in the mission.

"The specifics of our participation in the observers mission are being worked on right now," Interfax quoted Mr Ryabkov as saying.

"Without a well-functioning observers mission working in the field, it is impossible to obtain a reliable and objective picture of what is happening."

Russia has been the focus of some Syrian protesters' outrage for previously refusing to condemn President Bashar al-Assad's forces for violence that the London-based Syrian Observatory for Human Rights said Monday had killed 11,117 people.

Moscow has in recent weeks been more critical of Assad in public and condemned him for failing to pursue some of Russia's recommendations for ending the violence.

Russia on Monday also hosted members of the National Coordinating Committee for Democratic Change – a splinter opposition group that was not invited to the latest Friends of Syria meeting in Istanbul.

Its Chairman Hassan Abdel Azim said on Tuesday that Assad had lost his authority and that talks with his regime were possible only under strict observance from foreign groups such as the Arab League and the European Union.

"The Syrian dialogue needs powerful and influential sponsors," Mr Azim said.

He called Annan's peace plan Syria's "last chance to put out the flames of fratricidal carnage."

Mr Azim's group is a Syrian-based alliance comprised of socialists as well as Arab nationalist parties and Kurds.

While the overall level of violence is down since the ceasefire formally took effect Thursday, the regime has stepped up attacks. The number of people killed every day has also risen steadily since a brief lull that coincided with the start of the truce. At least 26 people were reported killed on Monday.

In violence on Tuesday, army tanks shelled the southern town of Busra al-Harir, killing at least two people, said the Britain-based Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, an activist group. The town, about 45 miles south of the capital of Damascus, is a stronghold of the rebel Free Syrian Army.

Regime forces also shelled the Khaldiyeh neighbourhood in the central city of Homs, a centre of the rebellion against Assad, according to the Observatory. Homs has been under continuous regime attack, with only a short break on the first day of the ceasefire, activists said.

The regime appeared to be pushing to take control of the last rebel-held districts in Homs, said activists in the city. Khaldiyeh was shelled from three sides on Monday, and half of the nearby district of Bayada fell under the army's control over the weekend. Activists said Monday that the Free Syrian Army was holding its ground in the Qarabees and Jouret al-Shayah neighbourhoods.

On Monday, at least five people were killed in Homs shelling, the Observatory said. Across Syria, at least 26 people were killed Monday, including 10 in a daylong gun battle between rebel fighters and the Syrian army in the northwestern town of Idlib, the group said.

Another activist group, the Local Coordination Committees, said at least 55 people were killed Monday, including 26 in Idlib.




Anonymous claims attacks on MI6, CIA and Department of Justice


Πηγή: Computing
By Stuart Sumner
April 16 2012

Hacktivist collective Anonymous has today claimed responsibility for cyber attacks on MI6 in the UK, and the CIA and Department of Justice in the US.

The group claimed the attack on the site of the UK spy agency MI6 today via its Twitter account @AnonCentral.

"Tango Down: http://www.mi6.gov.uk #Anonymous," stated the post.

At the time of writing the public-facing MI6 website was accessible, but MI6.gov.uk was not.

No reason was given for the attack and the group failed to respond when asked.

Earlier today the group also claimed that it was behind this morning's outages at the CIA's website, and that of the US Department of Justice. The message came from a different Twitter account, claiming to be based in Brazil.

These attacks were apparently perpetrated purely 'for the lulz [laughs]', as the Anonymous member later stated on the micro blogging site.

Being a loosely affiliated group where membership is seemingly unrestricted and unmoderated, the collective has struggled in the past to present a unified front, with internal disagreements over targets, motivations and ownership of attacks.

Earlier this month the group also attacked the Downing Street and Home Office websites. The group said the attacks were in protest against the government's "draconian" surveillance proposals, and also the UK's extradition treaty with the US.

Anonymous' preferred method of attack is Distributed Denial of Service (DDOS), where a number of computers fire a large volume of requests to a webserver over a short space of time. This uses all available bandwidth or processing power, meaning that legitimate requests to those sites are unable to be served.

The result is that the site appears offline.

Graham Cluley, senior technology consultant at security firm Sophos likens this attack to a flood of people attempting to use the same door.

"The Distributed Denial of Service (DDOS) attack isn't terribly sophisticated. It's like a whole bunch of fat guys trying to get through the same revolving doors. They bombard the website with requests until it can't cope and goes offline."

Anonymous makes a freeware tool available to its members to carry out these attacks, which it calls the Low Orbit Ion Cannon.








Final volume in CIA’s official history of Bay of Pigs invasion still in dispute

Cuban leader Fidel Castro, lower right, sits inside a tank during the Bay of Pigs invasion in 1961.

Πηγή: The Miami Herald
By MIMI WHITEFIELD
April 16 2012


More than 50 years after the failed Bay of Pigs invasion, the CIA is fighting a lawsuit filed by The National Security Archive seeking release of the final volume of its official history.

Fifty-one years after a CIA-backed exile force hit the beaches of Cuba for what became known as the Bay of Pigs invasion, the Central Intelligence Agency is still fighting the release of the final volume of its official history of the ill-fated mission.

The final volume is a rebuttal by Jack Pfeiffer, the CIA’s chief historian, of a report by the agency’s inspector general that found the CIA itself bore primary responsibility for the failure of the April 14-19, 1961, invasion. The IG blamed “bad planning,’’ faulty intelligence, inadequate staffing and failure to inform President John F. Kennedy that the success of the operation was “dubious.’’

The invasion, whose centerpiece was a 1,500-man exile force called the 2506 Brigade that landed at Playa Girón on April 17, was designed to topple the Castro regime. Instead, it failed less than 72 hours later, resulting in the deaths of 114 exiles and the capture of 1,100 men by the Cuban army and militia.

Who is to blame for the failure has been debated for the past five decades.

Lyman Kirkpatrick, who wrote the inspector general’s report, cited “a tendency in the agency to gloss over CIA inadequacies and to attempt to fix all of the blame for the failure of the invasion upon other elements of the government’’ in a cover letter to the 1961 report.

In contrast, Pfeiffer’s account “tried to fully pin the blame for the historic calamity on the Kennedy White House,’’ said Peter Kornbluh, senior analyst at The National Security Archive. “Pfeiffer pushed the line that Kennedy was responsible and his brother Bobby helped transfer blame to the CIA.’’

The Washington-based nonprofit research institute and library filed a lawsuit last year on the 50th anniversary of the invasion, asking for declassification of all five volumes in the official history. Previous requests for the documents under the Freedom of Information Act had been unsuccessful.

Volume III was actually released in 1998 but the world was unaware of it until David Barrett, a Villanova University professor, found it in 2005 at the National Archives Kennedy Assassination Records Collection in a box marked “CIA miscellaneous.’’

Last summer, in response to The National Security Archive lawsuit, the CIA released more than 1,200 pages of “The Official History of the Bay of Pigs Operation,’’ but it held onto the fifth volume.

“More than 50 years after the failed invasion, the CIA continues to try and hide this dramatic history from public scrutiny,’’ Kornbluh said.

The National Security Archive has continued to fight for release of the fifth volume in U.S. District Court in Washington, D.C. in a case before Judge Gladys Kessler.

The CIA has argued that the final volume can’t be released because it is “an internal draft of a CIA history that was never approved for release or publication.’’

In a court filing, David S. Robarge, currently the CIA’s chief historian, said that “the mere possibility that an initial draft could be released to the public would undoubtedly chill open and frank deliberations” that go into creating CIA histories.

“The release of an unfinished draft of CIA history risks placing inaccurate or incomplete information into the public domain,’’ Robarge said in a statement to the court.

The CIA’s concern is the draft “will confuse the public,’’ Kornbluh said. “Certainly the public is astute enough to judge for itself.’’

Ironically, Pfeiffer, who died in 1997, tried to have both Volume IV and V declassified in the mid-1980s because he wanted to write about them after he left the CIA. Pfeiffer wrote the bulk of the official Bay of Pigs history from 1973 until 1979 but continued to work on it until his retirement from the CIA in 1984.

Volume IV is Pfeiffer’s rebuttal of the findings of a Presidential Commission headed by the late Army Gen. Maxwell Taylor on the failed invasion. Pfeiffer took issue with the Taylor critique, saying it gave a “bum rap” to the CIA for “a political decision that insured the military defeat of the anti-Castro forces.’’

That was a reference to President Kennedy’s decision not to provide overt air cover to the invading Brigade 2506. Previously released documents show that Kennedy clung to the idea that the Bay of Pigs invasion must remain covert even though planners had doubt months before that it could succeed as a secret mission.

The CIA released the Taylor critique but successfully fought declassification of Volume V.

The National Security Archive noted in a memorandum filed with the court that the circumstances were different then because Volume V was only five years old at the time and it appeared a final “official’’ version of the document was forthcoming.

Now the document is nearly three decades old but is still in draft form. There is no indication that it will be finished.

In the 1980s, Kenneth McDonald, Pfeiffer’s successor as CIA historian, made an argument similar to the CIA’s current objections: release of the document “could seriously impair the ongoing historical manuscript review process.’’

McDonald also said that in his judgment the draft “had serious deficiencies as a historical study.’’

But in court papers, The National Security Archive said the U.S. government has released draft material under FOIA and labeled it accordingly in the past and could release Volume V “with an appropriate disclaimer if it deems such a condition necessary to clarify the status of the document.’’







Read more here: http://www.miamiherald.com/2012/04/16/2752680_p2/final-volume-in-cias-official.html#storylink=cpy


Turkey denies having ‘Plan B’ for Turkish Cyprus if peace talks fail


Πηγή: Todays Zaman
April 16 2012

Turkey has said it's up to Turkish Cyprus to decide on what would happen if peace talks aimed at reunifying the long-divided island fail this summer when Greek Cyprus takes over the EU term presidency, dismissing media reports that Turkey will change Turkish Cyprus' name and push for its recognition.

Turkey's Milliyet daily, citing unnamed official sources, reported on Monday that if a solution is not found by the time Greek Cyprus takes over the EU presidency on July 1, Ankara and the Turkish side will initiate a “Plan B.” Plan B would entail beginning to exert unilateral diplomatic efforts for the international recognition of Turkish Cyprus as the “Turkish Cypriot State.”

The Turkish Cypriot State was the name used to refer to the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (KKTC) in former UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan's 2004 Cyprus Plan as one of the federal units of a United Cyprus Republic. Greek Cyprus was referred to as the Greek Cypriot State.

The Mediterranean island of Cyprus was split in 1974 when Turkey intervened after a coup by supporters of union with Greece. Greek Cyprus joined the EU in 2004, but only the internationally recognized Greek Cypriot south enjoys those benefits. Turkish Cypriots in the north declared independence in 1983, but only Turkey recognizes the area and maintains 35,000 troops there.

Numerous rounds of UN-mediated peace talks have led nowhere for over four decades. The latest round, which began amid high hopes in 2008, has achieved limited progress, and both sides have begun blaming each other for the impasse.

Turkish Deputy Prime Minister Bülent Arınç told reporters following a Cabinet meeting on Monday that the ministers didn't discuss Plan B or a change of the KKTC's name. Reiterating that the Turkish and Greek Cypriot sides are currently holding peace talks to reunify the island, Arınç said any so-called Plan B would be for Turkish Cyprus to decide on. He added that the Turkish government doesn't have any official information about any such plan.

UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon is planning to call an international conference by early May, bringing together Britain, Greece and Turkey to put the final touches on a Cyprus accord. However, the two sides have not been able to converge closely enough on key issues.



4/16/2012

Hordes of young people leave Greece


Πηγή: The Korea Herald
By John Kass (Chicago Tribune)
April 16 2012

ATHENS ― I traveled to Greece to see the land of my fathers, to see its beauty and its economic crisis firsthand.

But as I arrived, others were leaving.

Especially Greece’s young people, suffering from unemployment that hovers around 50 percent.

“They go to Australia or Turkey or wherever they can find work,” says my first cousin Sophia, a mother of two daughters who is fearful of the future.

Every day here, as a handful on the hard left throw rocks in the streets, the stories get worse and worse. Many involve young people leaving home.

Everybody knows about some family that has lost a son or daughter to the swift currents of the diaspora, the young people leaving for jobs far away. That is, if they can find jobs. In a culture that prizes education above all, the most highly educated and the most talented are being lured away ― and there is no shortage of highly educated and competent people here, top-flight engineers and computer programmers and so on.

And the others?

“A man was on a morning TV show from Australia saying he needed taxi drivers,” Sophia said. “Thousands applied that very morning. To do what? To leave home and become taxi drivers in a foreign land among strangers?”

She put her hand to her mouth. Her eyes were on the verge of spilling.

“We are not giving up, but the situation is this: Everyone is hurting. And every day, more young people leave. The best of the nation leave, if they can,” she said. “Your father had to leave, so many young men left in the 1950s. Do we have to go through this again? This is terrible.”

And as some leave, others rush in. A wave of uncontrolled immigration from the poorest nations of Asia and Africa streams through, taking advantage of the country’s thousands of miles of coastline. And no real help comes from the European Union to stop it.

Some neighborhoods in Athens like Omonia Square are jammed, and prostitution, narcotics and street crime are on the increase. This allows the fringe politicians both on the hard left and the hard right some easy rhetorical targets, and what’s remarkable is that despite political differences, the rhetoric from communists and nationalists is increasingly similar in tone and coloration.

Here’s what happened. The mainstream politicians lost the people’s trust after bribing them with their own money in a Ponzi scheme where public benefits were ladled out for votes until the money was gone.

Think of an entire nation run by the Chicago Democratic machine, with help from the equally suspect white-shoe Republicans from Illinois, all of them eating well and feeding their friends. And as they ate, the people numbly footed the bill year after year, assured by the experts from the school of common wisdom and the machine mouthpieces that the important thing was “to get things done.”

They got things done all right. They amassed their own power and wealth while growing a government they could not pay for. In both Greece and Illinois, unsustainable economies have inspired an exodus of business and human capital.

The pain of Greece’s corrupted capitalism becomes ever sharper when it’s contrasted with the booming economy of neighboring Turkey. That’s where I’m headed next, to Istanbul and Ankara, to see an increasingly confident people, where jobs are being created and one of the biggest worries is whether the economy is growing too quickly.

But before leaving Greece, I am reminded that even with its problems, the people plod forward, including Adriana Kaldis Tolis, formerly of the Northwest Side of Chicago. She and her husband and sons run the Tolis Sweet Shop in a working-class area near Athens.

Yes, they sell delicious stuff ― and, yes, I made a serious study of her wares. It seemed that every customer was picking up a loaf of the sweet bread called tsoureki, which is sold during the Easter season.

I’m partial to tsoureki toast and tea and feta cheese, my traditional breakfast on Easter Sunday morning as I sit out in my backyard, roasting that lamb. But since I’ll still be traveling Sunday when the Greek Orthodox Church celebrates that holy day, I won’t be able to do the Easter lamb at home.

“Feta on tsoureki?” said Adriana.

And why not? What’s wrong with sweet and salty?

But enough of toast. Adriana friended me on Facebook months ago, imploring me to come to Greece to tell the story of the ruined economy. She also had a message.

“Hey, Chicago!” she said. “Hello to the Northwest Side and to everybody back home.”

“Has it been tough? Sure,” said Adriana. “Sales are down about 20 percent, but I think we can make it. My sons are working here, and they’ve built a little factory to make everything you see. And we all live together, the Greek way, so that cuts down on expenses. We’ll get through it.”

Adriana says that what she’s most concerned about is the people losing confidence.

“People are down,” she said. “This country had been through so much. But hey, life goes on. One of my sons is getting married in a few weeks. Everybody from Chicago is coming. I’m so excited. This is what I mean. Life goes on.

”People in America see the rock throwers on TV, yes, but do they see the weddings?“




Web freedom faces greatest threat ever, warns Google's Sergey Brin

Sergey Brin says he and Google co-founder Larry Page would not have been able to create their search giant if the internet was dominated by Facebook. 

Πηγή: The Guardian
By Ian Katz
April 15 2012

The principles of openness and universal access that underpinned the creation of the internet three decades ago are under greater threat than ever, according to Google co-founder Sergey Brin.

In an interview with the Guardian, Brin warned there were "very powerful forces that have lined up against the open internet on all sides and around the world". "I am more worried than I have been in the past," he said. "It's scary."

The threat to the freedom of the internet comes, he claims, from a combination of governments increasingly trying to control access and communication by their citizens, the entertainment industry's attempts to crack down on piracy, and the rise of "restrictive" walled gardens such as Facebook and Apple, which tightly control what software can be released on their platforms.

The 38-year-old billionaire, whose family fled antisemitism in the Soviet Union, was widely regarded as having been the driving force behindGoogle's partial pullout from China in 2010 over concerns aboutcensorship and cyber-attacks. He said five years ago he did not believeChina or any country could effectively restrict the internet for long, but now says he has been proven wrong. "I thought there was no way to put the genie back in the bottle, but now it seems in certain areas the genie has been put back in the bottle," he said.

He said he was most concerned by the efforts of countries such as China, Saudi Arabia and Iran to censor and restrict use of the internet, but warned that the rise of Facebook and Apple, which have their own proprietary platforms and control access to their users, risked stifling innovation and balkanising the web.

"There's a lot to be lost," he said. "For example, all the information in apps – that data is not crawlable by web crawlers. You can't search it."

Brin's criticism of Facebook is likely to be controversial, with the social network approaching an estimated $100bn (£64bn) flotation. Google's upstart rival has seen explosive growth: it has signed up half of Americans with computer access and more than 800 million members worldwide.

Brin said he and co-founder Larry Page would not have been able to create Google if the internet was dominated by Facebook. "You have to play by their rules, which are really restrictive," he said. "The kind of environment that we developed Google in, the reason that we were able to develop a search engine, is the web was so open. Once you get too many rules, that will stifle innovation."

He criticised Facebook for not making it easy for users to switch their data to other services. "Facebook has been sucking down Gmail contacts for many years," he said.

Brin's comments come on the first day of a week-long Guardian investigation of the intensifying battle for control of the internet being fought across the globe between governments, companies, military strategists, activists and hackers.

From the attempts made by Hollywood to push through legislation allowing pirate websites to be shut down, to the British government's plans to monitor social media and web use, the ethos of openness championed by the pioneers of the internet and worldwide web is being challenged on a number of fronts.

In China, which now has more internet users than any other country, the government recently introduced new "real identity" rules in a bid to tame the boisterous microblogging scene. In Russia, there are powerful calls to rein in a blogosphere blamed for fomenting a wave of anti-Vladimir Putin protests. It has been reported that Iran is planning to introduce a sealed "national internet" from this summer.

Ricken Patel, co-founder of Avaaz, the 14 million-strong online activist network which has been providing communication equipment and training to Syrian activists, echoed Brin's warning: "We've seen a massive attack on the freedom of the web. Governments are realising the power of this medium to organise people and they are trying to clamp down across the world, not just in places like China and North Korea; we're seeing bills in the United States, in Italy, all across the world."

Writing in the Guardian on Monday, outspoken Chinese artist and activist Ai Weiwei says the Chinese government's attempts to control the internet will ultimately be doomed to failure. "In the long run," he says, "they must understand it's not possible for them to control the internet unless they shut it off – and they can't live with the consequences of that."

Amid mounting concern over the militarisation of the internet and claims – denied by Beijing – that China has mounted numerous cyber-attacks on US military and corporate targets, he said it would be hugely difficult for any government to defend its online "territory".

"If you compare the internet to the physical world, there really aren't any walls between countries," he said. "If Canada wanted to send tanks into the US there is nothing stopping them and it's the same on the internet. It's hopeless to try to control the internet."

He reserved his harshest words for the entertainment industry, which he said was "shooting itself in the foot, or maybe worse than in the foot" by lobbying for legislation to block sites offering pirate material.

He said the Sopa and Pipa bills championed by the film and music industries would have led to the US using the same technology and approach it criticised China and Iran for using. The entertainment industry failed to appreciate people would continue to download pirated content as long as it was easier to acquire and use than legitimately obtained material, he said.

"I haven't tried it for many years but when you go on a pirate website, you choose what you like; it downloads to the device of your choice and it will just work – and then when you have to jump through all these hoops [to buy legitimate content], the walls created are disincentives for people to buy," he said.

Brin acknowledged that some people were anxious about the amount of their data that was now in the reach of US authorities because it sits on Google's servers. He said the company was periodically forced to hand over data and sometimes prevented by legal restrictions from even notifying users that it had done so.

He said: "We push back a lot; we are able to turn down a lot of these requests. We do everything possible to protect the data. If we could wave a magic wand and not be subject to US law, that would be great. If we could be in some magical jurisdiction that everyone in the world trusted, that would be great … We're doing it as well as can be done."




From Libya to Syria: "War is a racket. It always has been."

Major General Smedley Butler: 'War is a racket. It always has been.'

Πηγή: Scoop
By James Corbett
April 14 2012

'War is a racket. It always has been.” These words are as true now as they were when Major General Smedley Butler first delivered them in a series of speeches in the 1930s. And he should have known. As one of the most decorated and celebrated marines in the history of the Corps, Butler drew on his own experiences around the globe to rail against the business interests that use the U.S. military as muscle men to protect their racket from perceived threats. From National City Bank interests in Haiti to United Fruit plantations in Honduras, from Standard Oil access to China to Brown Brothers operations in Nicaragua, Butler pointed out how intervention after intervention served the business interests of the well-connected even as American taxpayer money went to foot the bill for these adventures. The names and places may have changed, but the old adage holds: the more things change, the more they stay the same.

The National Transitional Council that is nominally in charge of what is left of Libya announced this week that they're beginning a probe of foreign oil contracts brokered during Gaddafi's reign by his son, Saif al-Islam. Libya is sitting on the largest oil reserves in Africa, and it is no coincidence that within weeks of the start of the NATO campaign last year the rebels had already secured the country's oil ports and refineries on the Gulf of Sidra and established their own national oil company for negotiating contracts with the invading forces. Although the oil contract probes are supposedly meant to show the transparency of the new “government” and their willingness to root out the graft and kickbacks inherent in the old regime, it's quietly acknowledged that the process will be used to reward the nations that most visibly supported last year's invasions and punish those who were more reticent.

Surprising, then, that the first companies on the block are Italy's Eni and France's Total. Both countries fostered close ties with the NTC last year and France was the first country to officially recognize them as the government of Libya. But now Libya's general prosecutor is reviewing documents related to these companies for possible financial irregularities. The SEC is getting in on the act, too, requesting documents relating to both companies' Libyan operations to check for suspected violations of the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act. The potential blow to the European giants' share in the Libyan market is especially painful in light of the upcoming Iranian oil embargo that threatens to squeeze the crude imports of Greece, Italy and Spain. Now, as Libya ramps up oil production to pre-war levels the obvious potential winners in the probe are the American and British majors, who could end up eating up some of Eni and Total's share in Libya's oil production should the investigation lead to charges.

China may also have reason to be wary of their standing with the new government. Chinese-Libyan ties were increasingly close in the years leading up to Gaddafi's ouster, with trade volume having reached $6.6 billion in 2010. In 2007, as the US was beginning to put AFRICOM together and the competitive scramble for African resources was heating up, Gaddafi delivered an address to the students of Oxford University where he praised China's hands-off approach to investment in Africa. At the time, Gaddafi suggested that Beijing was winning the hearts and minds of Africans with its reluctance to interfere in local politics, while Washington was alienating the population with their heavy-handed interventions. In the wake of the NATO bombing the would-be government of Libya is singing a different tune and relations with China have cooled down. Last August a senior NTC official suggested that China would be punished when it came time to award reconstruction contracts in Libya because of their initial reluctance to support the rebels. Although the statement was downplayed, it was revealed earlier this month that Chinese companies are still waiting to begin negotiations on losses to frozen and outstanding contracts worth $18.8 billion. Relations are still cordial, though, and the Libyan government is assuring China that the contracting companies will be in a better position to resume negotiations after national elections in June.

These latest moves from Tripoli may be as much about projecting the idea that the NTC is actually functioning as a government than anything else, though. Armed militias are still waging violent turf wars throughout the country, with 26 people dying in fighting between rivals in the western town of Zwara earlier this month and 150 dying in skirmishes last month in the southern city of Sabha. One militia stormed a hotel in Tripoli and opened fire, then beat and kidnapped the manager after he told a militia member to pay an outstanding room bill. Last week hundreds marched in Benghazi to call for an end to the violence between the armed gangs. The country is deeply divided along tribal lines and armed militias still occupy government buildings and openly flaunt the pronouncements of the erstwhile government. The idea that the NTC is actually functioning as a government is a pipe dream at this point, but as long as they keep the oil pumping and the victors of last year's humanitarian love bombing get their spoils, there's hardly a peep out of Washington, Paris, or London. Smedley Butler wouldn't be surprised.

Meanwhile in Syria, the racketeers' plans for a Libyan repeat are proceeding apace. Last week we reported on the so-called “Friends of Syria” and their agreement to begin openly funding the rebels to the tune of millions of dollars. This week we have been watching the inevitable, pre-scripted “break down” in Annan's UN-brokered ceasefire. Exactly on cue, unverified reports from unnamed activists have begun rolling in to the usual media mouthpieces via foreign-based NGOs proclaiming so many people have died in continued fighting. The unacknowledged elephant in the room, however, is that, exactly as Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov has been attempting to point out all month, it's impossible to expect a cessation in fighting when you are openly arming, training and funding an insurgent proxy army that is hell-bent on toppling the government. However, Lavrov is banging his head against a brick wall. The ceasefire was never meant to be a ceasefire and it's all political theater at this point anyway. Any and every unverified rumor of fighting or violence in the country will now be taken as a sign that Assad has broken the agreement and the pressure to get Beijing and Moscow to acquiesce to the toppling of the Syrian government will intensify.

In the end, this will not be a carbon copy of Libya. There will be no NATO-led bombardment or large-scale military intervention, because Russia couldn't allow that to happen. Besides, Syria has Russian supplied surface-to-air missiles and no compunction about using them. Instead, political pressure will increase for Assad to step down and the funds and arms to the rent-a-rebel force will continue increasing until the government is toppled. The dangerous factor in this equation is that neither the west nor China/Russia have blinked yet and there is a significant amount of face to lose for one side or the other in this proxy struggle. The one with the most to lose is clearly Iran, which all things being equal would be a dominant power player in regional politics. All things, however, are not equal. With their oil increasingly embargoed, the sanctions getting progressively tighter, and one of their key allies in the region threatening to topple in favor of a hostile Sunni insurgency, Iran has to know that when and if the Syrian domino falls, it falls on them.

At the same time, attention is turning once again to another of the war racketeers' key interests: Pakistan. There has been newfound congressional interest in the so-called “Free Baluchistan” movement seeking independence for Pakistan's Baluchi nationals. Citing human rights violations, Rep. Rohrbacher (R-California) has introduced a resolution calling on Pakistan to recognize Balochi self-determination. He has even written an op-ed in the Washington Post where he begins his argument with recourse to human rights and switches seamlessly in the fourth paragraph into noting with evident glee the region's natural gas, gold, uranium, and copper reserves.

Interestingly, Russia agreed last week to pony up $1.5 billion in financing and technical assistance for a proposed Iran-Pakistan gas pipeline. The projected course of the pipeline? It would start in Iran’s southern Assalouyeh Energy Zone and enter Pakistan from the west, crossing straight through Baluchistan. Coincidence, surely. The IP pipeline has had a tumultuous history, complete with plans to run the pipeline all the way to India (an idea from which India has distanced itself but never completely abandoned) and the potential involvement of China, which has flirted with the idea of incorporating the pipeline into a planned logistical network running from the port of Gwadar in Pakistan's southwest all the way to Xinjiang province. Now, with a proposal for Russian funding on the table the pipeline looks closer than ever to becoming a reality.

From the outset, the US has used every bit of leverage it has to get the parties involved to scrap the idea. Diplomatic pressure has been brought to bear on China, Pakistan, and India, with Beijing and New Delhi both appearing to buckle under the pressure and pull out of the project. The US has backed its own alternative pipeline, a Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India route, but that idea is looking less feasible by the day. Iran has nearly completed its share of the proposed IP pipeline, but Pakistan has been hesitant. Now along come the racketeers to fund yet another rebel movement in another geostrategically vital corridor, and before you know it “Free Baluchistan” might derail the project altogether. Look for US pressure on the Pakistani government regarding Baluchistan to increase as the pipeline comes closer to completion.

Butler was right. War is a racket, after all. These days the muscle men are rent-a-mobs and insurgents more so than the U.S. military, but the idea is the same: fund, arm and train the fighters to secure the resources and control the strategic areas. In Libya the NATO-backed rebels wrested the oil spigot from the unpredictable Gaddafi. In Syria the “Friends of Syria” are overthrowing a key Iranian ally and taking over an important square on the geopolitical chessboard. In Pakistan, American-backed rebels may succeed in driving a wedge through a key Iran-Pakistan pipeline. And the racket continues. One would do well to remember the grand finale of Butler's speech: “To hell with war!”